Izbori u SAD, zvanični topik

No Country wrote:2 Киндер:

Извини, шта не знамо? Тобоже знамо да се слажу са Трампом гледе међународних економских односа, али такође не знамо да ли се слажу са његовим сексуалним навикама? И оба знамо, односно не знамо, из исте чињенице: те да су дотичне гласале за Трампа? Опрости, али јако ти не ваља логика.

Ne, ne znamo nista 100%, u tome je caka. Zato se i vrse istrazivanja, uopstavanja i na kraju se doslo do, mislim, ispravnog, zakljucka da su dva osnovna motora Trumpove pobede ksenofobija i (kripto)rasizam s jedne strane, i ekonomske teskoce i nepoverenje u sistem s druge. I na kraju dodjes do zakljucka da ako bi se oduzeli ovi sto su glasali samo zbog ekonomskih teskoca i nepoverenja u sistem, a koji kada bi se oduzeli od tih 60m ima sasvim dovoljno da Trump nikad ne bi pobedio, dobijes ono sto ti treba. Jer ovi rasisti i (kripto)rasisti ti ionako ne trebaju za bilo sta progresivno (odnosno njihovo "prevaspitavnje" je malo duzi proces). Inace, ako uradimo ovo sto ti predlazes (i recimo Amanda Markote) - da su svi koji su glasali za Trumpa i koji nisu smogli snage da, eto, ipak glasaju protiv njega rasisti ili ksenofobi ili seksisti ili homofobi ili ko zna sta slicno, onda se dolazi do zakljucka da je jedino sto treba raditi borba protiv rasizma, ksenofobije, seksizma i homofobije. I to bi bio sumanut zakljucak iz ovih izbora, a jedan od dokaza za sumanutost je to sto je Hillary upravo to radila u kampanji i - pukla. Znaci, jednostavno, to nije to. To je takvo masenje celog fudbala, da protivnik uzima loptu i daje gol iz kontre.

Well, ја сам покушао, колико сам умео, да објасним тај механизам. У сваком малограђанину чучи потенцијални фашиста. У сваком, не у њих 60% или шта већ. У нормална/ срећна времена се тај латентни фашизам задовољава читањем Политике, оговарањем комшија, гледањем оног Марића, обожавањем Путина. Али онда дође тај критичан тренутак, појави се неко попут Трампа и каже грађанину покорном да може до миле воље да чеше то што га сврби. Да је океј. Да су они заправо већина и самим тим у праву.

And then - just watch it!

Po toj logici, fašizam je onda prirodno i ishodišno stanje kapitalizma i demokratije. Za šta je, pak, meni mnogo puta govoreno da je daleko prirodnije i svojstvenije ljudskoj prirodi od nekih veštačkih sistema. Hoćeš reći da tu ima nečega?

No Country wrote:
ја иначе мислим да жене укупно гледано нешто (такође занемарљиво) више пате од мизогиније него мушкараци.

Пате? Оно, стењу, уздишу и кукају?

Jao, ajd malo o Drajvu.

No Country wrote:Well, ја сам покушао, колико сам умео, да објасним тај механизам. У сваком малограђанину чучи потенцијални фашиста. У сваком, не у њих 60% или шта већ. У нормална/ срећна времена се тај латентни фашизам задовољава читањем Политике, оговарањем комшија, гледањем оног Марића, обожавањем Путина. Али онда дође тај критичан тренутак, појави се неко попут Трампа и каже грађанину покорном да може до миле воље да чеше то што га сврби. Да је океј. Да су они заправо већина и самим тим у праву.

And then - just watch it!

a ok, "latentni fašizam" kao prirodno stanje tipa 80% ljudi. u redu, jasno mi je sad šta misliš. potpuno se ne slažem ali u principu smo iscrpli temu.

паће wrote:

No Country wrote:
ја иначе мислим да жене укупно гледано нешто (такође занемарљиво) више пате од мизогиније него мушкараци.

Пате? Оно, стењу, уздишу и кукају?

Свака мржња завршава у патњи, мој Паће. 

Kinder Lad wrote:

No Country wrote:Well, ја сам покушао, колико сам умео, да објасним тај механизам. У сваком малограђанину чучи потенцијални фашиста. У сваком, не у њих 60% или шта већ. У нормална/ срећна времена се тај латентни фашизам задовољава читањем Политике, оговарањем комшија, гледањем оног Марића, обожавањем Путина. Али онда дође тај критичан тренутак, појави се неко попут Трампа и каже грађанину покорном да може до миле воље да чеше то што га сврби. Да је океј. Да су они заправо већина и самим тим у праву.

And then - just watch it!

a ok, "latentni fašizam" kao prirodno stanje tipa 80% ljudi. u redu, jasno mi je sad šta misliš. potpuno se ne slažem ali u principu smo iscrpli temu.

Well, кад видим какав су mileage извукли из Ђанга... ал' слажем се, исцрпли смо. Није ту заправо ни било неке специјалне теме, него сам покушавао да продам један више nuanced приступ, где Трампови гласачи дабоме нису никакви монструми и расисти, али нису баш ни сасвим безазлени. А поготово нису имуни на то, хм, збијање редова, након кога настаје права главобоља.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/16/opinion/the-coal-industry-isnt-coming-back.html?_r=1

Donald J. Trump made many important campaign promises on his way to victory. But saving coal is one promise he won’t be able to keep.

HRC na +1.700.000 glasova.
izgleda da ja jedini to pratim 

Kalifornija:

Hillary Clinton	Democrat	7,230,699	61.6%	55
	Donald J. Trump	Republican	3,841,134	32.7

nekoga možda zanima, ima ceo pdf:

Dear colleagues

We are very pleased to announce the publication of “US Election Analysis 2016: Media, Voters and the Campaign”, edited by Darren Lilleker, Einar Thorsen, Daniel Jackson and Anastasia Veneti.

Featuring 83 contributions from 90 leading academics and emerging scholars across the world, this free publication captures the immediate thoughts, reflections and early research insights on the 2016 US Presidential election on from the cutting edge of media and politics research.

Published on Friday, just 10 days after the election, these contributions are short and accessible. Authors provide authoritative analysis of the campaign, including research findings or new theoretical insights; to bring readers original ways of understanding the election and its consequences. Contributions also bring a rich range of disciplinary influences, from political science to history, journalism studies to advertising.

The publication is available as a free downloadable PDF, as a website and as a paperback report.

Website URL: http://www.electionanalysis2016.us<http://www.electionanalysis2016.us/>

Direct PDF download: http://bit.ly/USElectionAnalysis2016-Lilleker_Thorsen_Jackson_Veneti-v1

Thanks to all of our contributors and production staff who helped make the quick turnaround possible. We hope it makes for a vibrant and engaging read!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction (Darren G. Lilleker, Einar Thorsen, Daniel Jackson, Anastasia Veneti)

SECTION 1: MEDIA
1. The question of objectivity in the 2016 Presidential Election (Matt Carlson)
2. After Objectivity? (Brian McNair)
3. Journalism and the illusion of innocence (Jay Rosen)
4. Did election results trump frames of newspaper endorsements? (Kenneth Campbell)
5. Trump and mediatization (Geoffrey Baym)
6. The 2016 election and the success of fact free politics (Peter Van Aelst)
7. Trump, truth and the media (Denis Muller)
8. Rise of Donald Trump: media as a voter-decision accelerator (Miloš Gregor)
9. The new normal? campaigns & elections in the contemporary media environment (Michael X. Delli Carpini)
10. Did the media create Trump? (Gianpietro Mazzoleni)
11. Trump, Media, and the ‘oxygen of publicity’ (Sarah Oates)

SECTION 2: CAMPAIGN
12. The #LolNothingMatters election (David Karpf)
13. Evidence for the powerful roles of polarization and partisanship (Judd Thornton)
14. The emotional brand wins (Ken Cosgrove)
15. Donald Trump’s slogan betrays a renewed political fixation on the past (Alexandra Paulin-Booth)
16. Dog whistles and dumpster fires (Merrill Perlman)
17. How Donald Trump bullies with his body language (Geoffrey Beattie)
18. Analysing debate questions: is it time to rethink the town hall? (Pete Vernon and Carlett Spike)
19. Image bites, voter enthusiasm, and the 2016 Presidential Election (Erik P. Bucy)
20. Air war? Campaign advertising in the 2016 Presidential Election (Matthew Motta)
21. US election: what impact do celebrity endorsements really have? (Nives Zubcevic-Basic)
22. The backlash of the loose cannon: musicians and the celebrity cleavage (Domagoj Bebić and Marijana Grbeša)
23. The curious case of Jill Stein (Per Urlaub)
24. The Green Party effect in the US 2016 Election (David McQueen)
25. US presidential candidate selection (Toby Harper)

SECTION 3: POLICY
26. Trump-Clinton was expected to be close: the economy said so (Andrew Gelman)
27. Picking up the pieces: the 2016 US Presidential Election and immigration (Jamie Winders)
28. A bilingual campaign: Clinton’s Latino political communication (Juan S. Larrosa-Fuentes)
29. How the wall with Mexico symbolizes the Utopia of Trump’s supporters (Marc Hooghe and Sofie Marien)
30. After the election: Trump’s wall (Lise Nelson)
31. Trump’s Global War on Terror (Stephen D. Reese)
32. Will Trump continue Obama’s legacy of drone strikes? (Sam Coates)
33. Loose cannons: or the silent debate on drones (Kevin Howley)
34. Guns return to American elections (Robert J. Spitzer)
35. President Trump and climate change (Marc Hudson)
36. Dark days ahead for our climate (Constantine Boussalis)

SECTION 4: DIVERSITY AND DIVISION
37. Hillary Clinton’s evolving gender appeals (Lindsey Meeks)
38. ‘Madam President’ and the need for a historical contextualization of the 2016 Race (Liza Tsaliki)
39. The ‘nasty’ politics of risk, gender and the emotional body in the US Presidential election (Shelley Thompson and Candida Yates)
40. Why Trump’s male chauvinism appeals to some voters more than others (Lynn Prince Cooke)
41. Trump’s ‘promised land’ of white masculine economic success (Omar Al-Ghazzi)
42. Attempting to understand Hillary Clinton’s favourability ratings (Alistair Middlemiss)
43. A very queer Presidential election campaign: personal reflections from an LGBT perspective (Richard Scullion)
44. Love didn’t trump hate: intolerance in the campaign and beyond (Cherian George)
45. The blue-collar billionaire: explaining the Trump phenomenon (Richard M. Perloff)
46. Belonging, racism and white backlash in the 2016 US Presidential Election (Deborah Gabriel)
47. The theology of American exceptionalism (Eric McDaniel)
48. Organizing in Trump’s America: the perspective of the disability community (Filippo Trevisan)
49. Why are the German-Americans Trump’s most loyal supporters? (David Huenlich and Per Urlaub)

SECTION 5: OVERSEAS PERSPECTIVES
50. Media coverage of the US election in Arabic, Chinese, and Russian media (Randolph Kluver)
51. US Presidential campaign 2016 in a metaphorical mirror of the Russian media (Evgeniya Malenova)
52. The Greek perspective (Eleni Kioumi)
53. The richest Slovenian son-in-law: the Slovenian perspective (Uroš Pinterič)
54. Trying to avoid Trump: a Canadian experience (Alex Marland)

SECTION 6: DIGITAL CAMPAIGN
55. Did Russia just hand Donald Trump the Presidency? (Ryan C. Maness)
56. Taking Julian Assange seriously: considering WikiLeaks’ role in the US presidential campaign (Scott A. Eldridge II)
57. Social media did not give us Donald Trump and it is not weakening democracy (Daniel Kreiss)
58. Trump and the triumph of affective news when everyone is the media (Alfred Hermida)
59. Tweeting the election: political journalists and a new privilege of bias? (Svenja Ottovordemgentschenfelde)
60. The dissolution of news: selective exposure, filter bubbles, and the boundaries of journalism (Seth C. Lewis and Matt Carlson)
61. Fighting the red feed and the blue feed (Bente Kalsnes)
62. Two tribes go to vote: symbolism on election day (Darren G. Lilleker)
63. Ideas are for sharing (G. R. Boynton)
64. In the age of social media, voters still need journalists (Jennifer Stromer-Galley)
65. Dark magic: the memes that made Donald Trump’s victory (Ryan M. Milner and Whitney Phillips)

SECTION 7: POP CULTURE AND POPULISM
66. Donald Trump, reality TV, and the political power of parasocial relationships (John H. Parmelee)
67. New roles in the presidential campaign: candidates as talk show comedians (Alexandra Manoliu)
68. Farage’s Trump card: constructing political persona and social media campaigning (Bethany Usher)
69. Does Twitter humanize a politician’s campaign? (Liam Richards)
70. “TrumpDASHIAN” – The US election as an extension of The Apprentice? (Dawid Pekalski)
71. What is Trump? (John Street)
72. Out of touch, out of ideas? The American Presidency in film and television (Gregory Frame)
73. It’s never just a joke: pop culture and the US Presidency (Rodney Taveira)

SECTION 8: RESULT AND BEYOND
74. Trump and the populist earthquake in American politics (Pippa Norris)
75. Democracy Trumped (W. Lance Bennett)
76. The narcissistic capture of American nationalism (Barry Richards)
77. With a mainstream politics seemingly devoid of answers, many vote for the previously unthinkable (Peter Bloom)
78. Irrational beliefs matter (Panos Koliastasis)
79. The politics of de-legitimacy (John Rennie Short)
80. There are six types of ugly American and Donald Trump is all of them (Brendon O’Connor)
81. Reflections on the 2016 US Election (Robert W. McChesney)
82. The Wørd: stupid power (Kirk Combe)

Photino Bird wrote:HRC na +1.700.000 glasova.
izgleda da ja jedini to pratim 

Pratim i ja, ali to je kao da je zabila golove posto je sudac svirao kraj.

A danas sam hteo da pitam postoji li neki rad o ovim izborima, sa posebnim osvrtom na Great Meme War i ostale online aspekte 

Ks, ks, Suvare...

Ово бих могао да гледам сваког дана.

Gargantua wrote:nekoga možda zanima, ima ceo pdf:

Poceo sam da citam, i nije nesto. Tekstovi su prekratki, a ima ih i izrazito tupavih.

The emotional brand wins

Trump and Sanders built emotional brands that created deep loyalty, inspired customer evangelism and generated a high level of enthusiasm about voting for them.
...
If Sanders was the candidate of the future and the Revolution then Trump was the candidate of nostalgia and the Restoration. The Revolutionary and the Restorer both faced off against a candidate presenting herself as a continuation of the Obama legacy and upholder of the status quo. Hillary Clinton struggled in both contests. Her branding failed to motivate key Democratic audiences to vote. While stories were legion about the enthusiasm of the Sanders and Trump voters, Hillary Clinton struggled to build deep brand loyalty partly because of a lack of emotion that
went right down to the hashtag: #imwithher.
...
The lesson of the cycle appears to be that strong emotional branding and how to position a such a brand in light of market conditions are more important than clearly thought out policy positions, political experience, more sober values like competence or stability or winning debates.

=> Hilari izgubila ne zato sto je korumpirani zastupnik Vol Strita i neoliberalizma, kojih je Amerima pun kurac, nego zato sto joj kampanja nije izabrala najbolji hashtag.

Vidim da su od svih u studiju zajebavali samo zene, Anu in particular.