ontheotherhand wrote:
Podaci od pre 10-12k godina nam govore da je bilo vrlo malo nasilja.
Tada je bilo manje ljudi na planeti nego sto danas ima u Srbiji, moguce manje nego i u danasnjem Beogradu. Nije bas da su se morali otimati za resurse.
ontheotherhand wrote:
Podaci od pre 10-12k godina nam govore da je bilo vrlo malo nasilja.
William Murderface wrote:To je bar prosto! Dopusti da ti nacrtam:
William Murderface wrote:
Što se tiče aršina, shvatio sam da tvojim aršinima gledano, empirijska nauka stoji bolje od političke filozofije, jerbo barata "first-hand" podacima. Međutim, ono što empirijsku nauku čini empirijskom naukom, nije to što barata first-hand podacima (to može svako dete), nego to što sa njima postupa u skladu sa nekim naučnim metodom, koji njenim nalazima garantuje opšte važenje i prediktivnu moć. Status antropologije kao nauke je tu vrlo problematičan (ne za mene, nego za onog ko, poput tebe, povlači jasne linije demarkacije između nauke i pseudonauke).
To ne umanjuje istinitost ondašnje situacije.Radagast wrote:
Tada je bilo manje ljudi na planeti nego sto danas ima u Srbiji, moguce manje nego i u danasnjem Beogradu. Nije bas da su se morali otimati za resurse.
Photino Bird wrote:Anttopologija nije "odes, vidis, zapises" jos od pocetka XX veka. Rusi su tu fazu zvali etnografijom i to je zaista bila empirijska disciplina, ali to je sve davno proslo vreme.
E jbg sad, ti izgleda misliš da prema vrednostima samo jedne kulture se treba upravljati kao jedino validnim i legitimnim.Radagast wrote:
sada, recimo u slucaju Sahlinsa, zeljom da nadjes empirijsku osnovu za svoja levicarska ubedjenja, to jest nekakav naucni dokaz da je kapitalizam los.
Potvrdio u ovom smislu, sa Stanfordove enciklopedije o Šopenhaueru:William Murderface wrote:Stvarno mi nije jasno kako je XX vek potvrdio Šopenhauera ili Špenglera (mada je, što kaže Plesner, Špenglerova knjiga bila fiozofija WWI, a Hajdegerov Bitak i vreme, filozofija WWII, ali to je već drugi par rukava, ne predviđanje, nego učestvovanje). Ni Hegel ni Marks ne bi imali puno problema da objasne XX vek i njegove užase. Ali moram ponoviti, filozofija nije nauka i ona ne predviđa ništa.
Ničeova ideja večnog vraćanja istog, nije teorija istorije, već intelektualni eksperiment.
Schopenhauer's ideas about the importance of instinctual urges at the core of daily life also reappeared in Freud's surrealism-inspiring psychoanalytic thought, and his conviction that human history is going nowhere, became keynotes within 20th century French philosophy, after two World Wars put a damper on the 19th century anticipations of continual progress that had captured the hearts of thinkers such as Hegel and Marx.
Špengler u knjizi iznosi svoju morfologiju istorije tj. učenje o raznim osnovnim oblicima, menama i sklopovima istorijskog zbivanja. Istorija pokazuje ciklički red pojedenih izolovanih, samoniklih životnih sklopova, a pojedinačne kulture su između sebe potpuno različite. Špenglerova filozofija istorije se suprotstavlja shvatanju istorije čovečanstva kao jednostavnog pravolinijskog razvitka, progresivnog kontinuiranog procesa u kojem čovečanstvo neprekidno napreduje. Umesto kontinuuma, Špengler vidi samo život samostalnih velikih organizama, međusobno potpuno odvojenih - ti organizmi su kulture. Istorija čovečanstva nije ništa drugo do istorija tih kultura. Postoje tri osnovne kulture: antička (apolonijska), arapska (magijska) i zapadnoevropska (faustovska). Svaka od tih kultura se rađa, razvija i umire. Takođe, svaka kultura je i prapojava ili prafenomen, osnovna ideja, pralik postojanja. Kao organsko više jedinstvo, kultura nije mehanički agregat, nego je organsko više jedinstvo, duhovni organizam. Kultura je duhovno delo čije su manifestacije: filozofija, umetnost, nauka, religija, politika. Sve kulture su unapred određene da sudbinski idu ka svojoj propasti, a civilizacija je poslednji stadijum njenog postojanja. Tendecije opadanja kulture ogledaju se u prevlasti racionalizma i tehnike, stvaranju megapolisa, demokratizmu, kosmopolitizmu i pacifizmu, kao i u isticanju opšteljudskih prava. Jedino što nam preostaje u našoj kulturu koja polako nestaje jeste - izdržati uprkos mračnoj viziji propasti.
ontheotherhand wrote:Potvrdio u ovom smislu, sa Stanfordove enciklopedije o Šopenhaueru:William Murderface wrote:Stvarno mi nije jasno kako je XX vek potvrdio Šopenhauera ili Špenglera (mada je, što kaže Plesner, Špenglerova knjiga bila fiozofija WWI, a Hajdegerov Bitak i vreme, filozofija WWII, ali to je već drugi par rukava, ne predviđanje, nego učestvovanje). Ni Hegel ni Marks ne bi imali puno problema da objasne XX vek i njegove užase. Ali moram ponoviti, filozofija nije nauka i ona ne predviđa ništa.
Ničeova ideja večnog vraćanja istog, nije teorija istorije, već intelektualni eksperiment.
Schopenhauer's ideas about the importance of instinctual urges at the core of daily life also reappeared in Freud's surrealism-inspiring psychoanalytic thought, and his conviction that human history is going nowhere, became keynotes within 20th century French philosophy, after two World Wars put a damper on the 19th century anticipations of continual progress that had captured the hearts of thinkers such as Hegel and Marx.
Marks je progresivista u smislu da je smatrao da će kapitalistički "razvoj proizvodnih snaga" dovesti do njegove zamene novim modom proizvodnje.
Niče jeste uticao na Špenglera. Negirati to prosto nema potporu u stvarnosti. Ničeov metod kritike kulture kaže da kulture imaju morfologiju: rode se, dostignu vrhunac nakon nekog vremena i onda počnu da opadaju. Špengler je to primenio na istoriju.
Špengler u knjizi iznosi svoju morfologiju istorije tj. učenje o raznim osnovnim oblicima, menama i sklopovima istorijskog zbivanja. Istorija pokazuje ciklički red pojedenih izolovanih, samoniklih životnih sklopova, a pojedinačne kulture su između sebe potpuno različite. Špenglerova filozofija istorije se suprotstavlja shvatanju istorije čovečanstva kao jednostavnog pravolinijskog razvitka, progresivnog kontinuiranog procesa u kojem čovečanstvo neprekidno napreduje. Umesto kontinuuma, Špengler vidi samo život samostalnih velikih organizama, međusobno potpuno odvojenih - ti organizmi su kulture. Istorija čovečanstva nije ništa drugo do istorija tih kultura. Postoje tri osnovne kulture: antička (apolonijska), arapska (magijska) i zapadnoevropska (faustovska). Svaka od tih kultura se rađa, razvija i umire. Takođe, svaka kultura je i prapojava ili prafenomen, osnovna ideja, pralik postojanja. Kao organsko više jedinstvo, kultura nije mehanički agregat, nego je organsko više jedinstvo, duhovni organizam. Kultura je duhovno delo čije su manifestacije: filozofija, umetnost, nauka, religija, politika. Sve kulture su unapred određene da sudbinski idu ka svojoj propasti, a civilizacija je poslednji stadijum njenog postojanja. Tendecije opadanja kulture ogledaju se u prevlasti racionalizma i tehnike, stvaranju megapolisa, demokratizmu, kosmopolitizmu i pacifizmu, kao i u isticanju opšteljudskih prava. Jedino što nam preostaje u našoj kulturu koja polako nestaje jeste - izdržati uprkos mračnoj viziji propasti.
ontheotherhand wrote:Inače, u starijim godinama rekao je ovo Vagnerovom prijatelju, Malwidi von Meysenbugu:
“I have not yet spoken my last word about women. I believe that if a woman succeeds in withdrawing from the mass, or rather raising herself above the mass, she grows ceaselessly and more than a man.”
Ma znam sve to i čitao sam Robina naravno, ne moraš da budeš toliko didaktičan.
Radagast wrote:
Pa i tada je empirijska priroda antropologije bila upitna. Jeste, "odes, vidis, zapises", ali ono sto vidis je uslovljeno tvojim svesnim i nesvesnim znanjem i ocekivanjima, u to vreme naprimer potrebom da opravdas civilizatorsko prisustvo onih koji te placaju u koloniji ciju populaciju posmatras, sada, recimo u slucaju Sahlinsa, zeljom da nadjes empirijsku osnovu za svoja levicarska ubedjenja, to jest nekakav naucni dokaz da je kapitalizam los.
This short book has been a sketch of the ways in which a Darwinian left would differ from the traditional left that we have come to know over the past two hundred years. In closing, I shall first draw together, in point form, some of the features that I think would distinguish a Darwinian left from previous versions of the left, both old and new; these are features that I think a Darwinian left should embrace today. Then I will cast a glance at more distant prospects.A Darwinian left would not:
- Deny the existence of a human nature, nor insist that human nature is inherently good, nor that it is infinitely malleable;
- Expect to end all conflict and strife between human beings, whether by political revolution, social change, or better education;
- Assume that all inequalities are due to discrimination, prejudice, oppression or social conditioning. Some will be, but this cannot be assumed in every case;
A Darwinian left would:
- Accept that there is such a thing as human nature, and seek to find out more about it, so that policies can be grounded on the best available evidence of what human beings are like;
- Reeject any inference from what is 'natural' to what is 'right';
- Expect that, under different social and economic systems, many people will act competitively in order to enhance their own status, gain a position of power, and/or advance their interests and those of their kin;
- Expect that, regardless of the social and economic system in which they live, most people will respond positively to genuine opportunities to enter into mutually beneficial forms of cooperation;
- Promote structures that foster cooperation rather than competition, and attempt to channel competition into socially desirable ends;
- Recognise that the way in which we exploit nonhuman animals is a legacy of a pre-Darwinian past that exaggerated the gulf between humans and other animals, and therefore work towards a higher moral status for nonhuman animals, and a less anthropocentric view of our dominance over nature;
- Stand by the traditional values of the left by being on the side of the weak, poor and oppressed, but think very carefully about what social and economic changes will really work to benefit them.
In some ways, this is a sharply deflated vision of the left, its Utopian ideas replaced by a coolly realistic view of what can be achieved. That is, I think, the best we can do today — and it is still a much more positive view than that which many on the left have assumed to be implied in a Darwinian understanding of human nature.If we take a much longer-term perspective, there may be a prospect for restoring more far-reaching ambitions of change. We do not know to what extent our capacity to reason can, in the long run, take us beyond the conventional Darwinian constraints on the degree of altruism that a society may be able to foster. We are reasoning beings. In other works I have likened reason to an escalator, in that, once we start reasoning, we may be compelled to follow a chain of argument to a conclusion that we did not anticipate when we began. Reason provides us with the capacity to recognise that each of us is simply one being among others, all of whom have wants and needs that matter to them, as our needs and wants matter to us. Can that insight ever overcome the pull of other elements in our evolved nature that act against the idea of an impartial concern for all of our fellow humans, or, better still, for all sentient beings?No less a champion of Darwinian thought than Richard Dawkins holds out the prospect of 'deliberately cultivating and nurturing pure, disinterested altruism -something that has no place in nature, something that has never existed before in the whole history of the world'. Although 'We are built as gene machines,' he tells us, 'we have the power to turn against our creators'. There is an important truth here. We are the first generation to understand not only that we have evolved, but also the mechanisms by which we have evolved and how this evolutionary heritage influences our behaviour. In his philosophical epic, The Phenomenology of Mind, Hegel portrayed the culmination of history as a state of Absolute Knowledge, in which Mind knows itself for what it is, and hence achieves its own freedom. We don't have to buy Hegel's metaphysics to see that something similar really has happened in the last fifty years. For the first time since life emerged from the primeval soup, there are beings who understand how they have come to be what they are. To those who fear adding to the power of government and the scientific establishment, this seems more of a danger than a source of freedom. In a more distant future that we can still barely glimpse, it may turn out to be the prerequisite for a new kind of freedom.
Excerpted from A Darwinian Left: Politics, Evolution and Cooperation, New Haven, 1999, pp. 60-63.