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    Levica u Srbiji i svetu

    Nektivni Ugnelj

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    Post by Nektivni Ugnelj Wed Mar 14, 2018 5:19 pm

    Jel to znaci da ce sad govoriti razgovetnije?
    boomer crook

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    Post by boomer crook Wed Mar 14, 2018 5:20 pm

    i dalje razgovetnije od badjua


    _____
    And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
    паће

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    Post by паће Wed Mar 14, 2018 5:23 pm

    KinderLad wrote:Jel to znaci da ce sad govoriti razgovetnije?

    И престати да брише нос девет пута у минуту? Тако не могу да га гледам, радије пустим само звук, ово толико одвлачи пажњу да га изгубим начисто.


    _____
       cousin for roasting the rakija
       И кажем себи у сну, еј бре коњу па ти ни немаш озвучење, имаш оне две кутијице око монитора, видећеш кад се пробудиш...
    Летећи Полип

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    Post by Летећи Полип Wed Mar 14, 2018 5:53 pm

    KinderLad wrote:Jel to znaci da ce sad govoriti razgovetnije?

    Al ostala mu ružna grimasa na licu jebi ga.

    паће

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    Post by паће Wed Mar 14, 2018 6:07 pm

    Пустио сам без звука... до места где ме већ мрзело да гуркам удесно, пипнуо је нос свега двапут, а у кујни ниједном.

    Оно девет пута у минуту је мерено на неком лањском снимку. Дакле пропо.


    _____
       cousin for roasting the rakija
       И кажем себи у сну, еј бре коњу па ти ни немаш озвучење, имаш оне две кутијице око монитора, видећеш кад се пробудиш...
    boomer crook

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    Post by boomer crook Wed Mar 14, 2018 6:51 pm

    ima grimasu ko branko kockica u drami o sudjenju generalu leru


    _____
    And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
    Летећи Полип

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    Post by Летећи Полип Wed Mar 14, 2018 7:24 pm

    A ovaj debeli ga prekide taman kada je objašnjavao klasnu pozadinu sukoba izmedju Trampa i Benona.


    _____
    Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.


    ~~~~~

    Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
    Летећи Полип

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    Post by Летећи Полип Thu Mar 15, 2018 6:28 pm



    _____
    Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.


    ~~~~~

    Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
    Летећи Полип

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    Post by Летећи Полип Thu Apr 05, 2018 6:55 pm

    Čitanje medija: buržoaska propaganda i fašizacija društva

    http://www.masina.rs/?p=6465



    Zaključni deo zanimljivog serijala tekstova.
    паће

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    Post by паће Thu Apr 05, 2018 7:39 pm

    Летећи Полип wrote:Čitanje medija: buržoaska propaganda i fašizacija društva

    http://www.masina.rs/?p=6465

    Zaključni deo zanimljivog serijala tekstova.

    Најзад мало бистрења воде. Код толико мутивода, баш недостаје.


    _____
       cousin for roasting the rakija
       И кажем себи у сну, еј бре коњу па ти ни немаш озвучење, имаш оне две кутијице око монитора, видећеш кад се пробудиш...
    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Thu Apr 05, 2018 8:13 pm

    Pa imaš Paće ovakve levice koliko hoćeš, uvek se žališ na identitetsku levicu a ima onoliko drugačijih pogleda sa te strane.
    паће

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    Post by паће Thu Apr 05, 2018 9:29 pm

    Идентитетске политике такође спадају у мућење. Ово је бистрење, веома потребно. Добар!

    А то што га има на све стране... па можда га и има али слабо се пробија. Што овај добро и објашњава, како и зашто.


    _____
       cousin for roasting the rakija
       И кажем себи у сну, еј бре коњу па ти ни немаш озвучење, имаш оне две кутијице око монитора, видећеш кад се пробудиш...
    uskok i ajduk

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    Post by uskok i ajduk Sat Aug 25, 2018 1:35 pm

    Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 2304934895
    https://www.vice.com/rs/article/bjb5g5/pricali-smo-sa-mladim-levicarima-iz-srbije-o-buducnosti-komunizma

    Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 1533635715091-26540269_10214164972093920_1082242254_o


    _____
    "Mogu li ja da kažem ili ćete Vi da vodite intervju sami sa sobom? Samo kad bih mogla da kažem nešto… Prvo, uvek smo govorili našim građanima da ne možemo i nećemo da gledamo na EU kao na ćup sa novcem. Da bolji kvalitet života, radna mesta i bolje plate moraju doći od nas samih i snage naše ekonomije. Želimo da budemo deo EU jer je to mirovni projekat i jer delimo vrednosti sa EU." - Ana Brnabić
    Filipenko

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    Post by Filipenko Sat Aug 25, 2018 2:10 pm

    Da ga jebem, ocito moram dodatno poraditi na komunoprofilu, cim me ne intervjuisase Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 1949538119
    nalog sa ženinog laptopa

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    Post by nalog sa ženinog laptopa Sat Aug 25, 2018 3:09 pm

    mladim levicarima


    _____
    THE space age is upon us. Rockets are leaving our globe at 
    speeds unheard of only a few years ago, to orbit earth, moon, and 
    sun. People have visited the moon, we have sent space probes to 
    all but one of the planets, and words like "orbit" and "satellite" are 
    picked up by children in the nursery.
    Filipenko

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    Post by Filipenko Sat Aug 25, 2018 6:19 pm

    Pa mlad sam, i svakim danom sve mladji.
    Anduril

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    Post by Anduril Sun Aug 26, 2018 1:41 pm

    Ne znam da li je bilo - Fukujama o "identity politics", kako je po njemu levica probudila ono najgore na desnici. Opsiran pregled gde, po meni, masi poentu sto se buducnosti tice. Ne bi bilo prvi put...  

    Spoiler:

    Jedan od recepata mu je povratak sluzenja civilnog/vojnog roka Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 2729202060

    BACK TO BASICS 

    Once a country has defined a proper creedal national identity that is open to the de facto diversity of modern societies, the nature of controversies over immigration will inevitably change. In both the United States and Europe, that debate is currently polarized. The right seeks to cut off immigration altogether and would like to send immigrants back to their countries of origin; the left asserts a virtually unlimited obligation on the part of liberal democracies to accept all immigrants. These are both untenable positions. The real debate should instead be about the best strategies for assimilating immigrants into a country’s creedal national identity. Well-assimilated immigrants bring a healthy diversity to any society; poorly assimilated immigrants are a drag on the state and in some cases constitute security threats.
    European governments pay lip service to the need for better assimilation but fail to follow through. Many European countries have put in place policies that actively impede integration. Under the Dutch system of “pillarization,” for example, children are educated in separate Protestant, Catholic, Muslim, and secular systems. Receiving an education in a state-supported school without ever having to deal with people outside one’s own religion is not likely to foster rapid assimilation.
    In France, the situation is somewhat different. The French concept of republican citizenship, like its U.S. counterpart, is creedal, built around the revolutionary ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity. France’s 1905 law on laïcité, or secularism, formally separates church and state and makes impossible the kinds of publicly funded religious schools that operate in the Netherlands. But France has other big problems. First, regardless of what French law says, widespread discrimination holds back the country’s immigrants. Second, the French economy has been underperforming for years, with unemployment rates that are twice those of neighboring Germany. For young immigrants in France, the unemployment rate is close to 35 percent, compared with 25 percent for French youth as a whole. France should help integrate its immigrants by making it easier for them to find jobs, primarily by liberalizing the labor market. Finally, the idea of French national identity and French culture has come under attack as Islamophobic; in contemporary France, the very concept of assimilation is not politically acceptable to many on the left. This is a shame, since it allows the nativists and extremists of the far-right National Front to position themselves as the true defenders of the republican ideal of universal citizenship.
    In the United States, an assimilation agenda would begin with public education. The teaching of basic civics has been in decline for decades, not just for immigrants but also for native-born Americans. Public schools should also move away from the bilingual and multilingual programs that have become popular in recent decades. (New York City’s public school system offers instruction in more than a dozen different languages.) Such programs have been marketed as ways to speed the acquisition of English by nonnative speakers, but the empirical evidence on whether they work is mixed; indeed, they may in fact delay the process of learning English.
    The American creedal national identity would also be strengthened by a universal requirement for national service, which would underline the idea that U.S. citizenship demands commitment and sacrifice. A citizen could perform such service either by enlisting in the military or by working in a civilian role, such as teaching in schools or working on publicly funded environmental conservation projects similar to those created by the New Deal. If such national service were correctly structured, it would force young people to work together with others from very different social classes, regions, races, and ethnicities, just as military service does. And like all forms of shared sacrifice, it would integrate newcomers into the national culture. National service would serve as a contemporary form of classical republicanism, a form of democracy that encouraged virtue and public-spiritedness rather than simply leaving citizens alone to pursue their private lives.
    Летећи Полип

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    Post by Летећи Полип Sun Aug 26, 2018 2:49 pm

    Iliti još jedan tekst u ediciji "Kako spasiti liberalni poredak, a ne promeniti ništa".


    _____
    Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.


    ~~~~~

    Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Sun Aug 26, 2018 3:05 pm

    Pita me ćerka, šta je to "Left". šta je to "Right" u politici. I do nje je došlo (8. razred).

    Rekoh staru i jednostavnu definiciju: Levica je protiv jakih, Desnica protiv slabih.

    Kako je Tramp protiv slabih, pita ona.

    Pa tako, nema podrške imigrantima (Obama, levičar, deportovao ih je skoro milion), nema podrške propagandi homoseksualizma (prva stvar koja se desila kada je Tramp preuzeo vlast je bila da nestane sajt US Government o LGBT).

    Pa kako onda običan svet glasa za njih? Pa tako što im se popeo na raciku New York Times, Washington Post, CNN, sa političkom korektnošću.

    Svet hoće nekoga da ih raspali preko 3.14-čke.

    U Japanu, za koji kada kineski studenti idu u Japan kažu im " Ne dozvolite da vas Japan zadoji komunizmom". Tako, teško se može nazvati desničarskom zemljom. A sve Trampovo je na mestu, decenijama.
    A radnička prava = doživotno zaposlenje.

    Istočnjačka mudrost. 

    Kakvi Zapadni bakrači kao nema veze ko ima dve mame ili dve tate (kao u Kaliforniji, gde po školama ne sme da se pomene reč roditelj , majka ili otac).
    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Sun Aug 26, 2018 3:56 pm

    Prvo, ne sviđa mi se često kombinovanje američkog iskustva sa nekakvim globalnim; dovede do mutanta od ideje i objašnjenja, po pravilu je neuspešni pokušaj uzdizanja američkog iskustva na nivo globalnog što nije slučaj nikad niti je Amerika referentna tačka a u biti pokazuje parohijalnu prirodu takve politikologije.

    Drugo, mislim da ne uočava bitnu stvar - pa Amerika živi pobedu desnice i amalgama desnog centra. Tako to prosto izgleda. To nije "kriza" nego prosto pobeda.

    Treće, "prava" levica mu fali kao ikebana, a zapravo lamentira nad levim centrom koji se pokazao kao tranzitna faza raspada post-njudilovskog levog centra na liberalni a sada centar-desni mejnstrim koji je zadovoljan onim što je ekonomski dobio zadnjih 30ak godina, te ove raštrkane "identitetske levice" i DSA-like grupe.

    Četvrto, ono što se stalno zaboravlja, da su "migranti" potrebni pre svega ekonomiji tj ovom i ovakvom kapitalizmu kao radnici, a zatim se traži da levica - kojoj se negira pravo da se pita oko ekonomije - treba ideološki da premosti jaz kod tih ljudi između svojstva radnika i svojstva čoveka/građanina. On traži da levica počisti krš iza neolib kapitalizma.

    Peto, treba da ponudi recimo 100k radnih mesta u bankama, novčanim fondovima i osiguravajućim kućama kao deo nove "nacionalne službe". To su kudikamo kurtonskiji poslovi od učiteljskih/nastavničkih, dakle da se "narod" u obnovi "republikanskih vrlina" dočepa i protoka novca. A banksteri da idu u Oregon i obaraju stabla, ili u Arkanzas da hvataju ribu golim rukama. Mešanja i republikanizma radi.
    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Sun Aug 26, 2018 4:05 pm

    @gargantua:

    Upravo ono što je eho tvog napisa je napravilo Trampa pobednikom.

    Dajte još takvih argumenata i on ide još jedan mandat. Posle toga, 2 mandata, neko ima da ga prevaziđe pa još više istoga.
    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Sun Aug 26, 2018 4:17 pm

    Prijatelj kuće Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 1399639816 u NYT

    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/24/opinion/sunday/what-socialism-looks-like-in-2018.html

    The New Socialists

    Why the pitch from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders resonates in 2018.

    By Corey Robin


    Throughout most of American history, the idea of socialism has been a hopeless, often vaguely defined dream. So distant were its prospects at midcentury that the best definition Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, editors of the socialist periodical Dissent, could come up with in 1954 was this: “Socialism is the name of our desire.”

    That may be changing. Public support for socialism is growing. Self-identified socialists like Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rashida Tlaib are making inroads into the Democratic Party, which the political analyst Kevin Phillips once called the “second-most enthusiastic capitalist party” in the world. Membership in the Democratic Socialists of America, the largest socialist organization in the country, is skyrocketing, especially among young people.

    What explains this irruption? And what do we mean, in 2018, when we talk about “socialism”?

    Some part of the story is pure accident. In 2016, Mr. Sanders made a strong bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. Far from hurting his candidacy, the “socialism” label helped it. Mr. Sanders wasn’t a liberal, a progressive or even a Democrat. He was untainted by all the words and ways of politics as usual. Ironically, the fact that socialism was so long in exile now shields it from the toxic familiarities of American politics.

    Another part of the story is less accidental. Since the 1970s, American liberals have taken a right turn on the economy. They used to champion workers and unions, high taxes, redistribution, regulation and public services. Now they lionize billionaires like Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg, deregulate wherever possible, steer clear of unions except at election time and at least until recently, fight over how much to cut most people’s taxes.

    Liberals, of course, argue that they are merely using market-friendly tools like tax cuts and deregulation to achieve things like equitable growth, expanded health care and social justice — the same ends they always have pursued. For decades, left-leaning voters have gone along with that answer, even if they didn’t like the results, for lack of an alternative.

    It took Mr. Sanders to convince them that if tax credits and insurance exchanges are the best liberals have to offer to men and women struggling to make stagnating wages pay for bills that skyrocket and debt that never dissipates, maybe socialism is worth a try.

    Socialism means different things to different people. For some, it conjures the Soviet Union and the gulag; for others, Scandinavia and guaranteed income. But neither is the true vision of socialism. What the socialist seeks is freedom.

    Under capitalism, we’re forced to enter the market just to live. The libertarian sees the market as synonymous with freedom. But socialists hear “the market” and think of the anxious parent, desperate not to offend the insurance representative on the phone, lest he decree that the policy she paid for doesn’t cover her child’s appendectomy. Under capitalism, we’re forced to submit to the boss. Terrified of getting on his bad side, we bow and scrape, flatter and flirt, or worse — just to get that raise or make sure we don’t get fired.

    The socialist argument against capitalism isn’t that it makes us poor. It’s that it makes us unfree. When my well-being depends upon your whim, when the basic needs of life compel submission to the market and subjugation at work, we live not in freedom but in domination. Socialists want to end that domination: to establish freedom from rule by the boss, from the need to smile for the sake of a sale, from the obligation to sell for the sake of survival.

    Listen to today’s socialists, and you’ll hear less the language of poverty than of power. Mr. Sanders invokes the 1 percent. Ms. Ocasio-Cortez speaks to and for the “working class” — not “working people” or “working families,” homey phrases meant to soften and soothe. The 1 percent and the working class are not economic descriptors. They’re political accusations. They split society in two, declaring one side the illegitimate ruler of the other; one side the taker of the other’s freedom, power and promise.

    Walk the streets of Bushwick with a canvasser for Julia Salazar, the socialist candidate running to represent North Brooklyn in the New York State Senate. What you’ll hear is that unlike her opponent, Ms. Salazar doesn’t take money from real estate developers. It’s not just that she wants to declare her independence from rich donors. It’s that in her district of cash-strapped renters, landlords are the enemy.

    Compare that position to the pitch that Shomik Dutta, a Democratic Party fund-raiser, gave to the Obama campaign in 2008: “The Clinton network is going to take all the establishment” donors. What the campaign needed was someone who understands “the less established donors, the real-estate-developer folks.” If that was “yes, we can,” the socialist answer is “no, we won’t.”

    One of the reasons candidates like Ms. Ocasio-Cortez and Ms. Salazar speak the language of class so fluently is that it’s central to their identities.
    Al Gore, John Kerry and Hillary Clinton struggled to cobble together a credible self out of the many selves they’d presented over the years, trying to find a personal story to fit the political moment. Today’s young candidates of the left tell a story of personal struggle that meshes with their political vision. Mr. Obama did that — but where his story reinforced a myth of national identity and inclusion, the socialists’ story is one of capitalism and exclusion: how, as millennials struggling with low wages and high rents and looming debt, they and their generation are denied the promise of freedom.

    The stories of these candidates are socialist for another reason: They break with the nation-state. The geographic references of Ms. Ocasio-Cortez — or Ms. Tlaib, who is running to represent Michigan’s 13th District in Congress — are local rather than national, invoking the memory and outposts of American and European colonialism rather than the promise of the American dream.

    Ms. Tlaib speaks of her Palestinian heritage and the cause of Palestine by way of the African-American struggle for civil rights in Detroit, while Ms. Ocasio-Cortez draws circuits of debt linking Puerto Rico, where her mother was born, and the Bronx, where she lives. Mr. Obama’s story also had its Hawaiian (as well as Indonesian and Kenyan) chapters. But where his ended on a note of incorporation, the cosmopolitan wanderer coming home to America, Ms. Tlaib and Ms. Ocasio-Cortez aren’t interested in that resolution. That refusal is also part of the socialist heritage.

    Arguably the biggest boundary today’s socialists are willing to cross is the two-party system. In their campaigns, the message is clear: It’s not enough to criticize Donald Trump or the Republicans; the Democrats are also complicit in the rot of American life. And here the socialism of our moment meets up with the deepest currents of the American past.

    Like the great transformative presidents, today’s socialist candidates reach beyond the parties to target a malignant social form: for Abraham Lincoln, it was the slavocracy; for Franklin Roosevelt, it was the economic royalists. The great realigners understood that any transformation of society requires a confrontation not just with the opposition but also with the political economy that underpins both parties. That’s why realigners so often opt for a language that neither party speaks. For Lincoln in the 1850s, confronting the Whigs and the Democrats, that language was free labor. For leftists in the 2010s, confronting the Republicans and the Democrats, it’s socialism.

    To critics in the mainstream and further to the left, that language can seem slippery. With their talk of Medicare for All or increasing the minimum wage, these socialist candidates sound like New Deal or Great Society liberals. There’s not much discussion, yet, of classic socialist tenets like worker control or collective ownership of the means of production.

    And of course, there’s overlap between what liberals and socialists call for. But even if liberals come to support single-payer health care, free college, more unions and higher wages, the divide between the two will remain. For liberals, these are policies to alleviate economic misery. For socialists, these are measures of emancipation, liberating men and women from the tyranny of the market and autocracy at work. Back in the 1930s, it was said that liberalism was freedom plus groceries. The socialist, by contrast, believes that making things free makes people free.

    It’s also important to remember that the traffic between socialism and liberalism has always been wide. The 10-point program of Marx and Engels’s “Communist Manifesto” included demands that are now boilerplate: universal public education, abolition of child labor and a progressive income tax. It can take a lot of socialists to get a little liberalism: It was socialists in Europe, after all, who won the right to vote, freedom of speech and parliamentary democracy. Given how timid and tepid American liberalism has become — when was the last time a Democratic president even called himself a liberal — it’s not surprising that a more arresting term helps get the conversation going. Sometimes nudges need a nudge.

    Still, today’s socialism is just getting started. It took Lincoln a decade — plus a civil war, and the decision of black slaves to defy their masters, rushing to join advancing Union troops — to come to the position that free labor meant immediate abolition.

    In magazines and on websites, in reading groups and party chapters, socialists are debating the next steps: state ownership of certain industries, worker councils and economic cooperatives, sovereign wealth funds. Once upon a time, such conversations were the subject of academic satire and science fiction. Now they’re getting out the vote and driving campaigns. It’s too soon to tell whether they’ll spill over into Congress, but events have a way of converting barroom chatter into legislative debate.

    What ultimately gives shape to socialist desire is less the specific policies in a politician’s head than the men and women marching with their feet. That’s why the two most important utterances of today’s socialists are Ms. Salazar’s demand that New York abolish the law prohibiting strikes of government workers and Ms. Ocasio-Cortez’s call “to occupy all of it.”
    Both statements reveal what socialists have always understood: Mass action — sometimes illegal, always confrontational — will determine socialism’s final form.

    Socialism is not journalists, intellectuals or politicians armed with a policy agenda. As Marx and Engels understood — this was one of their core insights, what distinguished them from other socialist thinkers, ever ready with their blueprints — it is workers who get us there, who decide what and where “there” is.

    That, too, is a kind of freedom. Socialist freedom.

    A ovde ima i finih odgovora na neke stvari u tekstu FF. Ima ko i govori o klasi, eto mu prilike da je razložno podrži Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 2304934895
    Erős Pista

    Posts : 82746
    Join date : 2012-06-10

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    Post by Erős Pista Sun Aug 26, 2018 8:08 pm

    Летећи Полип wrote:Iliti još jedan tekst u ediciji "Kako spasiti liberalni poredak, a ne promeniti ništa".

    Upravo.


    _____
    "Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."

    Dragoslav Bokan, Novi putevi oftalmologije
    Anduril

    Posts : 713
    Join date : 2015-08-30

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    Post by Anduril Mon Aug 27, 2018 10:49 am

    Gargantua wrote:Prijatelj kuće Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 1399639816 u NYT

    https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/24/opinion/sunday/what-socialism-looks-like-in-2018.html

    A ovde ima i finih odgovora na neke stvari u tekstu FF. Ima ko i govori o klasi, eto mu prilike da je razložno podrži Levica u Srbiji i svetu - Page 12 2304934895

    Ova ideja da se socijalizam prodaje kao sloboda je u rangu ideje da se kroni kapitalizam ili neoliberalizam prodaje kao sloboda. 
    Zar im nista pametnije ne pada na pamet? Mada, kad pomislim, ovo poslednje i dalje funkcionise kod nekih 20-30% Amerikanaca ali samo uz FOX-Koch propagandu. 

    Tekst je jako konfuzan i naravno da nece nista slicno postici kao sto su postigli Linkoln i Ruzvelt. Treba ici malo u detalje, posebno New Deal koalicije pa videti kako je to postignuto - zajedno sa juznim Demokratama, tj. rasistima. Prema tome, ako hoce neki uspeh, socijalisti ce morati u nekakve nove koalicije - a, ako to ne budu liberali onda mozda ovi Trampovci.
    паће

    Posts : 41620
    Join date : 2012-02-12
    Location : wife privilege

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    Post by паће Mon Aug 27, 2018 11:07 am

    Да питаш десет Амера по десет пута шта је то и како замишљају социјализам, развучено на неколико месеци, добио би више од 150 различитих магловитих представа (није грешка у рачуну, шацујем да би толико било вишка од побрканих и несложивих ствари стрпаних у исту причу).

    Нему појма (игром случаја, овде се баш поклапа са њиховим no idea).


    _____
       cousin for roasting the rakija
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