Kosovo*

But it is precisely such a calculation of difficulties of NATO invasion of the Serbian enclaves in Kosovo which might embolden Vučić to go for war. He might recall that Milošević’s popularity reached its peak during NATO bombing of Serbia, that his personal power was then untrammeled by any parliamentary or social restraint, and that he managed to eventually extract a fairly good agreement (that was never observed by NATO). And Vučić might hope that the “winds of freedom” of which he eloquently spoke at the recent UN General Assembly meetings might, miraculously, like in the First World War, turn things in his favor.

Vilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:

Улични ходач wrote:Радоичић је извукао људе који су били нека врсте ТО на северу на чистину. Неки су погинули, неки рањени, неки похапшени а неки стављени под контролу у остатку Србије. Он је наравно са нато возилом одлепршао. Допло је време да се мења екипа и прича на северу КиМ, тј. нема випе блокада и признаје се валст Приштине уз нагледање нато. Можете другари бити срећни, дешава се оно што желите.

Vučić je naveo da se [Blinken i on] nisu saglasili oko prirode onoga što se dogodilo na KiM, posebno sa onim vezanim za kosovski suverenitet.
"Ne interesuje me šta bilo ko na svetu misli o tome. Mi imamo dokaze da je najmanje jedno, a moguće dva lica bukvalno hladnokrvo likvidirani, kada nisu bili likvidirani u borbi, nego samo ranjeni, bili su u životi i predali se, a onda su sa male udaljenosti likvidirani. Nisam želeo da se saglasim da je to bila bilo kakva perfektna profesionalno urađena akcija", rekao je Vučić.
Predsednik Srbije je naveo da je Blinkenu postavio pitanje zašto je EULEKS bio odbijen da bude u akciji na severu KiM. Vučić je rekao da je američki sekretar govorio i o mogućim merama protiv Srbije "ukoliko se ne budemo ponašali na odgovarajući način".
"Vi ste velika zemlja, super sila, vaše je da činite šta mislite da morate, ja sam potpuno protiv toga i mislim da je to vrlo loše, ali postoje stvari kojih mi moramo da se držimo, a to je pre svega istina", rekao je Vučić.
"Naša država ima dokaze, gonićemo hladnokrvne ubice, imamo izjave i fotografije koje to potvrđuju", rekao je Vučić.

kao zivi svetac pic.twitter.com/1mkyoIDYHO

— Simba Solidarnošć 8 (@kazi_tibi) September 29, 2023

rumbeando wrote:​Vučić najavio krivično gonjenje albanskih policajaca koji su po tvrdnjama naših ubili jednog ili dvojicu Srba nakon što su se predali, naravno ne i bilo koga iz Radoičićeve ekipe i rekao Blinkenu da slobodno uvedu sankcije ako misle da treba, njega to ne zanima pošto mora da se drži istine.
 

​

rumbeando wrote:​Vučić najavio krivično gonjenje albanskih policajaca koji su po tvrdnjama naših ubili jednog ili dvojicu Srba nakon što su se predali, naravno ne i bilo koga iz Radoičićeve ekipe i rekao Blinkenu da slobodno uvedu sankcije ako misle da treba, njega to ne zanima pošto mora da se drži istine.
 

Vučić je naveo da se [Blinken i on] nisu saglasili oko prirode onoga što se dogodilo na KiM, posebno sa onim vezanim za kosovski suverenitet.
"Ne interesuje me šta bilo ko na svetu misli o tome. Mi imamo dokaze da je najmanje jedno, a moguće dva lica bukvalno hladnokrvo likvidirani, kada nisu bili likvidirani u borbi, nego samo ranjeni, bili su u životi i predali se, a onda su sa male udaljenosti likvidirani. Nisam želeo da se saglasim da je to bila bilo kakva perfektna profesionalno urađena akcija", rekao je Vučić.
Predsednik Srbije je naveo da je Blinkenu postavio pitanje zašto je EULEKS bio odbijen da bude u akciji na severu KiM. Vučić je rekao da je američki sekretar govorio i o mogućim merama protiv Srbije "ukoliko se ne budemo ponašali na odgovarajući način".
"Vi ste velika zemlja, super sila, vaše je da činite šta mislite da morate, ja sam potpuno protiv toga i mislim da je to vrlo loše, ali postoje stvari kojih mi moramo da se držimo, a to je pre svega istina", rekao je Vučić.
"Naša država ima dokaze, gonićemo hladnokrvne ubice, imamo izjave i fotografije koje to potvrđuju", rekao je Vučić.

https://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2023&mm=09&dd=29&nav_category=11&nav_id=2406669
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Fine points of #Diplomacy #linguistics #Blinken #Vucic #USA #Serbia pic.twitter.com/uGmxDBTI7I

— Zoran Kusovac (@zkusovac) September 29, 2023

Tako kaže

— Zoran Kusovac (@zkusovac) September 30, 2023

Spoiler:

The EU Cannot Give Up on Serbia and Kosovo
DIMITAR BECHEV
The more incidents of violence occur, the less likely Belgrade and Pristina are to compromise. Brussels should increase pressure on both parties to conclude an agreement.
September 28, 2023
Until four days ago, Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vučić was in a comfortable position. In the eyes of the EU and U.S. negotiators involved in efforts to settle the Kosovo issue, he was the proverbial adult in the room.
The last round of talks on September 14 saw the Serbian leader accept a blueprint for a deal on Serb autonomy proposed by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell and his Balkan envoy Miroslav Lajčak. It was Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti who turned it down. By that point, Brussels had already become so frustrated with Kurti’s stubborn ways that they considered imposing sanctions on the Kosovars.
Kurti’s decision to dispatch riot police and special forces in the Serb-populated northern municipalities in order to install mayors voted in by less than 2 percent of the locals did not win the prime minister any fans in Western capitals, either. The United States, Kosovo’s top international ally, was not thrilled. By contrast, there was muted praise for Vučić, who also took credit for the reported delivery of ammunitions to Ukraine—via third countries—as well as for coming closer to firing the pro-Moscow chief of the Security and Information Agency (BIA), Aleksandar Vulin.
But then it all changed.
In the early hours of September 24, a group of thirty Serb militants blocked a road near Banjska, a village in the vicinity of Zvečan in northern Kosovo. A firefight with Kosovo police left one officer dead and several injured. The standoff escalated as the Kosovars sent over extra forces. Three of the heavily armed Serbian gunmen were shot. Police detained six more Serbs and seized a large weapons cache from the nearby Banjska Monastery. The rest of the group appears to have withdrawn into Serbia, possibly after negotiations with the authorities.
This incident, the most serious example of violence in Kosovo for years, turned the tables on Vučić. As the standoff unfolded, Kurti called out Serbia as the chief culprit for the deadly firefight. “Organised crime with political, financial and logistical support from officials in Belgrade is attacking our country,” he wrote on social media. Interior Minister Xhelal Sveçla added that the kit recouped at the monastery would suffice to equip a force of several hundred. All Vučić could say in response was that Kurti bore responsibility for the bloodshed; he caused the Kosovo Serb “revolt” with his heavy-handed policies.
Worse still, the influential Serbian Orthodox Church was not thrilled about one of its monasteries being caught in between and the abbot, Father Danilo, being all but held hostage. In a press statement, the Metropolitan of Raška and Prizren Teodosije (Theodossius) dryly stated that there had been no weapons found in Banjska. The statement called for tensions to be dialed down—distancing itself from Serbian authorities.
But then Vučić doubled down. Adding more fuel to the fire, the Serbian government declared Thursday, September 27 a day of national mourning. Is Belgrade actually acknowledging it stood behind the paramilitaries whom Pristina describes as “terrorists”? The bottom line is that from a promoter of regional stability, Vučić is at risk of being seen as a spoiler if not a warmonger.
Of course, there is another theory making the rounds in Belgrade. It is that Kosovo Serb leaders are keen to emancipate themselves from Vučić’s tight embrace. The shoot-out is therefore a matter of the tail wagging the dog, with Serbia sucked into an escalation not of its choosing.
The Kosovo authorities look into the role of Milan Radojičić, the deputy chair of the dominant Serb party in the north, Srpska lista (Serbian list). He was there during the standoff—Kosovars released video footage which proved that, while Kurti called for a tough line on Srpska lista. But then Radojičić miraculously disappeared from the monastery, along with most of the thirty gunmen. There is speculation that the withdrawal was negotiated, with the U.S. embassies mediating between the Kosovo forces of order and the heavily armed Serbian contingent.
As per Vučić’s interview to the national broadcaster RTS on September 27, Radojičić is somewhere in central Serbia. The Serb leader is sticking to his guns: It was all the Kosovars’ fault—they started it first.
But should the story of Radojičić freelancing be corroborated, it would appear that Vučić has lost control over his erstwhile proxies who are now wrecking the whole edifice he has built. The militant nationalism Vučić has been cultivating has now given birth to forces he can no longer rein in. The strongman may be yielding to local players who previously sought his patronage.
If the likes of Radojčić order the mood music within northern Kosovo’s Serbian community, that is a problem for Vučić—but it is also a problem for the EU, which is trying to push a negotiated settlement in Kosovo.
If Belgrade is not coordinating with the local Serbs, Brussels is in trouble. Local semi-criminal figures have no incentive to accept any EU settlement plan. They profit from the status quo and will likely fight tooth and nail to keep it the way it is. Vučić is under the threat of becoming irrelevant. That could expire the Brussels dialogue.
In light of Russia’s war in Ukraine, the EU has been working to resolve Kosovo’s status once and for all. It nearly got there with the Ohrid agreement in March 2023, which ultimately neither Kurti nor Vučić signed.
Now there is another mini-crisis that consumes the EU’s attention. So long as these recurrent crises dominate the headlines, Borrell and others in Brussels will be playing whack-a-mole—meaning containing violence here and there, preventing the outbreak of an even bigger conflict and keeping Serbs and Albanians apart.
The big prize—Kosovo recognized by Serbia in exchange of some form of Serb autonomy—remains, as ever, out of reach. The more such incidents occur, the less likely it is that Serbia and Kosovo will be willing or able to compromise. The EU will not be able to fix the problem—perhaps only manage it and keep a lid on it. That negative scenario is very likely to play out in Kosovo. That is why Brussels has to gather all its strength and put pressure on Serbia and Kosovo, so they shake hands, and finalize and implement the agreement.
The EU must keep its eyes on the prize.

Jučerašnji dan na Severu u dva kadra pic.twitter.com/7313HDYfTO

— KoSSev/Kosovo Sever portal (@KoSSevnews) September 30, 2023

Erős Pista wrote:https://n1info.rs/vesti/radoicic-u-mup-dao-izjavu-u-svojstvu-gradjanina/

ficfiric wrote:Bio je u finim odnosima sa Tacijem i Haradinajem, to su i oni govorili

Radio Slobodna Evropa (RSE) uočio je kretanje vojnog konvoja na jugu Srbije, iz pravca Vranja ka Nišu, kod mesta Predejane, u subotu 30. septembra, a nakon što je u Vašingtonu i Briselu iskazana zabrinutost zbog raspoređivanje srpskih snaga duž granice sa Kosovom.
Varošica Predejane se nalazi 300 kilometara južno od Beograda i na oko 100 kilometara od najbližeg graničnog prelaza Srbije i Kosova, Merdare.
Konvoj sa vozilima Vojske Srbije, kako je zabeležio reporter RSE, se oko podneva kretao iz pravca juga ka severu zemlje.
Srpska vojska je rasporedila svoje trupe duž granice sa Kosovom, nakon napada na kosovsku policiju 24. septembra u Banjskoj u Zvečanu. Kosovo je okrivilo Srbiju za ovaj napad, koja negira bilo kakvu povezanost.

rumbeando wrote:Kad se vojska na Kosovo sa granice s Kosovom vrati
 

Radio Slobodna Evropa (RSE) uočio je kretanje vojnog konvoja na jugu Srbije, iz pravca Vranja ka Nišu, kod mesta Predejane, u subotu 30. septembra, a nakon što je u Vašingtonu i Briselu iskazana zabrinutost zbog raspoređivanje srpskih snaga duž granice sa Kosovom.
Varošica Predejane se nalazi 300 kilometara južno od Beograda i na oko 100 kilometara od najbližeg graničnog prelaza Srbije i Kosova, Merdare.
Konvoj sa vozilima Vojske Srbije, kako je zabeležio reporter RSE, se oko podneva kretao iz pravca juga ka severu zemlje.
Srpska vojska je rasporedila svoje trupe duž granice sa Kosovom, nakon napada na kosovsku policiju 24. septembra u Banjskoj u Zvečanu. Kosovo je okrivilo Srbiju za ovaj napad, koja negira bilo kakvu povezanost.

https://www.slobodnaevropa.org/a/vojni-konvoj-jug-srbije-predejane/32617049.html
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Odlična analiza u Vremenu. Izdvajam jedan citat, mučan opis atmosfere i osećanja od pre nekoliko dana pic.twitter.com/5mdMJgtmNp

— Antonela Riha (@RihaAntonela) September 30, 2023