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    Rat u Ukrajini

    kondo

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    Post by kondo Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:47 am

    kondo wrote:
    fikret selimbašić wrote:

    A da prvo sačekamo da završi rat u Ukrajini? Za sad ni Kipar ni Tibet nisu napadnuti niti NATO priprema i istovremeno opovrgava pokretanje SVO na Tibetu i Kipru. 

    Kako misliš da Tibet i Kipar nisu napadnuti?

    Znam odgovor, napali su se SAMI!

    Rat u Ukrajini - Page 17 1727922752


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    #FreeFacu

    Дакле, волео бих да се ЈСД Партизан угаси, али не и да сви (или било који) гробар умре.
    fikret selimbašić

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    Post by fikret selimbašić Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:51 am

    Notxor wrote:
    fikret selimbašić wrote:

    A da prvo sačekamo da završi rat u Ukrajini? Za sad ni Kipar ni Tibet nisu napadnuti niti NATO priprema i istovremeno opovrgava pokretanje SVO na Tibetu i Kipru. Mada možemo i o tome, možemo i o poljskom uletu u Ukrajinu, o ukrajinsko/rumunskom uletu u Pridnjestrvolje jer sve to samo što nije. A tek zli kapitalizam šta radi svijetu, a tek jadna Rusija koja postojano kano klisurine stoji ispred tog zla, deset topika da otvorimo i drvimo dok slova ne počnu da padaju sa ekrana.

    Ovo što ti nabrajaš kao primere se nije desilo. Kineska vojska jeste na Tibetu, kao i turska na pola Kipra, pa ne vidim da se neko sekira zbog toga.
    "Sutra" kad Srbija uđe u NATO kralju Danilu Vučiću može da padne na pamet da interveniše na Kosovu, a ja bih da se to svakako izbegne, najbolje nekim primerom... oslobađanjem severnog Kipra?



    Na SK je vojska članice NATO pakta. NATO ne traži od Kine povlačenje sa Tibeta niti im prijeti pokretanjem SVO ako to ne urade. Ni Srbja u NATO se još nije desilo. Baška što članstvo u NATO paktu nije uslov da pokrećeš SVO, može i bez članstva, Tita mi.


    kondo wrote:

    Znam odgovor, napali su se SAMI!

    Rat u Ukrajini - Page 17 1727922752

    Kina je napala Tibet. Kipar je interni NATO problem.


    Last edited by fikret selimbašić on Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:53 am; edited 1 time in total


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    rumbeando

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    Post by rumbeando Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:52 am

    ARGUMENT

    An expert's point of view on a current event.

    The Conversation About Ukraine Is Cracking Apart

    What government officials are saying in public, and private, is fascinating—and full of contradictions.

    By Stephen M. Walt, a columnist at Foreign Policy and the Robert and Renée Belfer professor of international relations at Harvard University.[/size]

    I attended the Munich Security Conference for the first time this year, so I may be a member of Washington’s so-called Blob after all. I was grateful for the opportunity and enjoyed the experience, but I can’t say that I came away from it feeling better about the current state of the world.

    The war in Ukraine dominated the proceedings, of course, and there were two important dividing lines in the collective conversation.

    The first gap was the vastly different perceptions, narratives, and preferred responses between the trans-Atlantic community on the one hand and key members of the global south on the other. Several important media outlets have described this gap already, and a new report from the European Council on Foreign Relations contains compelling survey data documenting it. I attended several sessions and private dinners focused on this issue, and the discussions were revealing.

    Diehard Atlanticists tend to portray the war in Ukraine as the single most important geopolitical issue in the world today. U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris said the war had “far-reaching global ramifications,” and the head of one U.S.-based think tank called it “the fulcrum of the 21st century.” Similarly, when asked how the war might end, German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock replied that anything less than a complete Russian defeat and withdrawal would mean “the end of the international order and the end of international law.”

    In this narrative, in short, what is at stake in Ukraine is the future of the entire rules-based order—and even the future of freedom itself. Some American and European speakers seemed to be competing to see who could give the most Churchillian speech, insisting that there was no substitute for victory, dismissing any risk of escalation, and calling for Ukraine’s supporters to give Kyiv whatever it needs to win a quick and decisive victory.

    The rest of the world sees it differently. Nobody was defending Russia or President Vladimir Putin in Munich, and the United Nations General Assembly resolution calling for Russia to withdraw from Ukraine “immediately, completely and unconditionally” passed with more than 140 votes a few days later. But states outside the trans-Atlantic coalition (including important powers such as India, Brazil, or Saudi Arabia) have not joined Western-led efforts to sanction Russia and do not see the conflict in the same apocalyptic terms that most officials in the West do. Atlanticists in Munich seemed baffled by their stance, and a few people were sharply critical. I heard another Western think tank head chide nonaligned states by saying, “This conference is not about moral ambiguity.”

    In fact, this gap is not that hard to understand. For starters, people outside the West view the rules-based order and Western insistence that states not violate international law as rank hypocrisy, and they were particularly resentful of Western attempts to claim the moral high ground on this issue. In their view, not only do Western powers make most of the rules, but they are also perfectly willing to violate these rules whenever it suits them. Not surprisingly, representatives from the global south were quick to bring up the United States’ illegal invasion of Iraq in 2003—where was the rules-based order then? Similarly, several speakers pointed out that the same Western governments warning that Russia is violating the post-World War II norm against acquiring territory by conquest did nothing to stop Israel from conquering the Golan Heights and West Bank, annexing the former and filling the latter with settlers. Russia is now heavily sanctioned—understandably—whereas the United States gives Israel generous economic and military aid as well as uses its veto to shield Israel from criticism in the U.N. Security Council. Such blatant double standards make Western moral posturing hard to swallow.

    Furthermore, key states in the global south do not share the Western belief that the future of the 21st century is going to be determined by the outcome of the war. For them, economic development, climate change, migration, civil conflicts, terrorism, the rising power of India and China, and many others will all exert a greater impact on humanity’s future than the fate of the Donbas or Crimea. They wonder why Western governments quickly found tens of billions of dollars to send Ukraine but wouldn’t pay enough to mount an effective global vaccination campaign against COVID-19. They ask why Ukraine is now in the spotlight 24/7, but the West devotes only intermittent attention to the lives being lost in sub-Saharan Africa, Central America, or other trouble spots. They are angry watching European states welcome Ukrainian refugees with open arms, given their prior hostility to refugees fleeing equally horrific situations in Syria or Afghanistan. And because the war is affecting their interests adversely (e.g., through higher food prices), they are more interested in ending it than helping Kyiv achieve all its war aims.

    The global south’s measured stance does not mean it is “pro-Russian”; it means those states are merely as self-interested as other countries are. It also means the gap between the West and the so-called rest is not likely to go away.

    The second gap I observed in Munich was a gulf between the optimism that top officials expressed in public and the more pessimistic assessments one heard in private. In the main events featuring officials such as Harris, Baerbock, U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, and others, one heard upbeat tales of Western unity and long-term prospects for victory. U.S. President Joe Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky echoed this message during Biden’s surprise visit to Kyiv last week. While acknowledging that difficult days lie ahead, the focus in Munich was on the victory that would one day be won.

    In private, however, the conversations were much more somber. None of my private meetings included officials at the very top of key governments, but nobody I spoke with expected the war to end soon and no one thought Ukraine would be able to retake all of its lost territory (including Crimea) no matter how much aid it gets in the next year. Indeed, increasingly fervent calls for more lethal aid (such as tanks, artillery, Army Tactical Missile Systems, and fighter planes) may reflect an awareness that Ukraine is in worse shape than mainstream reports indicate. Most of the people I spoke with expect a continued grinding stalemate, perhaps leading to a cease-fire some months from now. Western aid for Ukraine is not aiming for victory; therefore, the real goal is to put Kyiv in a position to strike a favorable bargain when the time comes.

    This gap between public optimism and private realism is not surprising either. Leaders at war need to maintain public morale (and alliance cohesion), and that means telling an upbeat story in public. Expressing confidence in success and committing to fight for as long as it takes may help convince the enemy to revise its own war aims downward. Even if one thinks it’s time to cut a deal, saying this out loud will undermine one’s own bargaining position and get a worse outcome in the end.

    But here’s what worries me. The Biden administration’s rhetorical support for Ukraine keeps increasing, and it continues to promise us some sort of happy Hollywood ending. Biden’s trip to Kyiv was a bold move that underscored his stamina and personal commitment to helping Ukraine, but it also tied his political fortunes to the war’s outcome more directly and visibly. If Biden can’t deliver what he’s promised, then what looks like a compelling demonstration of U.S. leadership today will look a lot less impressive a year from now. If the war is still at a brutal stalemate in February 2024 and Ukraine is being destroyed, then Biden will face pressure either to do more or look for a plan B. Given what he’s promised, anything less than complete victory will look like failure. Moreover, if China decides to give Russia more help, then Biden might have to impose additional sanctions on the world’s second-largest economy, triggering new supply chain problems and jeopardizing the delicate economic recovery that is now underway. And if that happens, Republican presidential hopefuls (one of them in particular) will be licking their chops and liking their chances.
    https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/02/28/the-conversation-about-ukraine-is-cracking-apart/
    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:56 am

    To i kažem.

    Nuklearna Kina uleti na Tibet. Nuklearna Rusija uleti u Ukrajinu.
    NATO Turska uleti na SK. NATO Srbija uleti na Kosovo.

    itsthesamepicture.jpeg


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    Uncle Baby Billy

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    Post by Uncle Baby Billy Thu Mar 02, 2023 9:58 am

    https://samf.substack.com/p/one-step-at-a-time-the-stages-of

    Fridman


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    Indy

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    Post by Indy Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:07 am

    Kako se kaže whataboutism na s/h? Paće sigurno zna.
    паће

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    Post by паће Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:09 am

    Мислим да се или не каже или је неки род са свисуистизмом.


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    fikret selimbašić

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    Post by fikret selimbašić Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:16 am

    Notxor wrote:To i kažem.

    Nuklearna Kina uleti na Tibet. Nuklearna Rusija uleti u Ukrajinu.
    NATO Turska uleti na SK. NATO Srbija uleti na Kosovo.

    itsthesamepicture.jpeg

    Kina je Tibet uzela prije nego se dokopala nuklearke.

    Zaista ne kapiram šta hoćeš da kažeš


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    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:22 am

    Mora da se zna neki red, ko šta sme i ko šta ne sme pa sam ja zbog reda pitao.
    Kad se uredi Ukrajina ko je sledeći na redu?
    Da li će NATO da uredi severni Kipar ili će Turska da uredi najbliža ostrva kao što je uredila SK?
    Ili će lopta u istočnu Aziju pošto tamo dugo nije bilo sređivanja?


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    fikret selimbašić

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    Post by fikret selimbašić Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:27 am

    A, babavangisanje. OK. legitimno, prije par dana na ruskoj televiziji se ozbiljno pozivalo na njena proročanstva glede SVO i posledica. Kad već ozbiljni mediji o tome pričaju, što ne bi i 1 opskurni forum.

    Hoće li Danilo povesti vojsku na Kosovo? Hoće li Halit Ergenc predvoditi pohod na grčka ostrva? Da li USA već formira alpinihimalajističke brigade i priprema opremu podesnu za ratovanje na 5000+ mnv?

    Super tema, za razliku od već dosadne Ukrajine.

    Spoiler:



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    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:36 am

    Pazi, šta god da se desi na terenu Rusija je ovaj rat izgubila i suštinski prestala da bude evropska zemlja, ali je ipak najveći gubitnik Ukrajina koja je potpuno razvaljena zemlja.

    I kao što se izbegli ne vraćaju u Bosnu i Hrvatsku, tačno tako se neće vratiti ni u Ukrajinu, pod uslovom da je uopšte oslobode, a i onda će ljudi radije birati da žive na zapadu baš kao i Bosanci i Hrvati.

    sve najbolje,
    Baba Vanga

    edit: isto važi i za Srbe i Albance


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    fikret selimbašić

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    Post by fikret selimbašić Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:46 am

    Kakva bezvezna jutarnja priča, bolje da sam otišo do dućana na pivo sa drvokradicama ali sad je već kasno.


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    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 10:51 am

    100% si u pravu. Preuzimam krivicu i prebacujem loptu u Бря́нская о́бласть.


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      Sweet and Tender Hooligan  
    Nektivni Ugnelj

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    Post by Nektivni Ugnelj Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:00 am

    Rusija nije jos izgubila rat.
    Nektivni Ugnelj

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    Post by Nektivni Ugnelj Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:00 am

    Neloš Walt

    Most of the people I spoke with expect a continued grinding stalemate, perhaps leading to a cease-fire some months from now. Western aid for Ukraine is not aiming for victory; therefore, the real goal is to put Kyiv in a position to strike a favorable bargain when the time comes.

    Upravo
    паће

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    Post by паће Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:03 am

    Mór Thököly wrote:Rusija nije jos izgubila rat.

    Нашла га је...

    ...:


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    Anonymous
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    Post by Guest Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:23 am

    Brijansk, navodne borbe sa dierzantoma, navodni taoci, Putin sazvao brzbednosni savet..
    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:33 am

    Cousin Billy wrote:Berdjansk Brjansk, navodne borbe sa dierzantoma, navodni taoci, Putin sazvao brzbednosni savet..


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      Sweet and Tender Hooligan  
    avatar

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    Post by MNE Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:34 am

    vrlo zgodan false flag
    disident

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    Post by disident Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:35 am

    MNE wrote:vrlo zgodan false flag
    Za sta, da im objave rat?


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    Notxor

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    Post by Notxor Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:37 am

    Telegram javlja da nisu Ukrajinci već nešto što se zove Ruski dobrovoljački korpus.
    Snimili su se u tom selu u Rusiji.

    Rat u Ukrajini - Page 17 DDAfj5Q


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    Uncle Baby Billy

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    Post by Uncle Baby Billy Thu Mar 02, 2023 11:53 am



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    Nektivni Ugnelj

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    Post by Nektivni Ugnelj Thu Mar 02, 2023 12:02 pm

    Mogli su bar da skinu ove žute trake ako hoce da.ih bilo ko shvati makar i mrvu ozbiljno
    disident

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    Post by disident Thu Mar 02, 2023 12:04 pm

    Notxor wrote:Telegram javlja da nisu Ukrajinci već nešto što se zove Ruski dobrovoljački korpus.
    Snimili su se u tom selu u Rusiji.

    Rat u Ukrajini - Page 17 DDAfj5Q
    To je regularna ukrajinska jedinica, sastavljena od dobrovoljaca. 
    Jos od 2014, jedan broj ruskih i posebno beloruskih neonacista ratuje na strani Ukrajine iz svojih ideoloskih i politickih razloga. U sustini jos jedno ponizenje za Rusiju i propagandni poen za Ukrajinu.


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    Što se ostaloga tiče, smatram da Zapad treba razoriti
    Jedini proleter Burundija
    Pristalica krvne osvete
    fikret selimbašić

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    Post by fikret selimbašić Thu Mar 02, 2023 12:28 pm

    Rat u Ukrajini - Page 17 23789251


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