Rusija i sve vezano za nju

Evo ako koga zanima istraživanje Livade po pitanju mobilizacije, rata, mira, ipak su sad nešto drugačiji odgovori nego primjerice u veljači.

The prevailing feelings about the partial mobilization announced in the Russian Federation are “anxiety, fear, horror” (47%), “shock” (23%), “pride for Russia” (23%) and “anger, indignation” (13%). Only 9% of respondents said they were indifferent.

Ah...

"Privoz" nije loš termin za ovo. Nešto između prevoženja i privođenja.

Mór Thököly wrote:"Privoz" nije loš termin za ovo. Nešto između prevoženja i privođenja.

Ех, то је код нас било још од... 1987? И тек сад имамо реч, привожење.

The Bonapartist stabilization enacted by Putin and other post-Soviet leaders fostered the growth of the professional middle class. A part of it shared some benefits of the system, for example, if employed in bureaucracy or in strategic state enterprises. However, a large part of it was excluded from political capitalism. Their main opportunities for incomes, career, and developing political influence lay in the prospects of intensifying political, economic, and cultural connections with the West. At the same time, they were the vanguard of Western soft power. Integration into EU- and US-led institutions presented for them an ersatz-modernization project of joining both “proper” capitalism and the “civilized world” more generally. This necessarily meant breaking with post-Soviet elites, institutions, and the ingrained, socialist-era mentalities of the “backward” plebeian masses sticking to at least some stability after the 1990s disaster.


...


None of the post-Soviet, so-called maidan revolutions posed an existential threat to the post-Soviet political capitalists as a class by themselves. They only swapped out fractions of the same class in power, and thus only intensified the crisis of political representation to which they were a reaction in the first place. This is why these protests have repeated so frequently.

The maidan revolutions are typical contemporary urban civic revolutions, as political scientist Mark Beissinger called them. On a massive statistical material, he shows that unlike social revolutions of the past, the urban civic revolutions only temporarily weaken authoritarian rule and empower middle-class civil societies. They do not bring a stronger or more egalitarian political order, nor lasting democratic changes. Typically, in post-Soviet countries, the maidan revolutions only weakened the state and made local political capitalists more vulnerable to pressure from transnational capital — both directly and indirectly via pro-Western NGOs. For example, in Ukraine, after the Euromaidan revolution, a set of “anti-corruption” institutions has been stubbornly pushed forward by the IMF, G7, and civil society. They have failed to present any major case of corruption in the last eight years. However, they have institutionalized oversight of key state enterprises and the court system by foreign nationals and anti-corruption activists, thus squeezing domestic political capitalists’ opportunities for reaping insider rents. Russian political capitalists would have a good reason to be nervous with the troubles of Ukraine’s once-powerful oligarchs.

https://jacobin.com/2022/10/russia-ukraine-war-explanation-class-conflict



To je ona iranska sisa.

To ne funkcionise za Rusiju. To sto ovaj zove urban civic revolutions bi u slucaju Rusije (samo Rusije) mogla da bude 1 fakticki burzoaska revolucija. Razlog zasto to nije - je ono sto se previdja, a to je sto polozaj na trzistu krupni kapitalisti duguju drzavi odnosno njenom nepostojanju i privatizaciji u domenu pravosudja pre svega. Rusija je dovoljno mocna, velika i bogata drzava da i sistem postavljen na drugim osnovama uopste ne mora da vodi podredjenom politicko-ekonomskom polozaju.

U slucaju ostalih drzava, Ukrajine pogotovu, urban civic revolutions kako ih on zove ima obelezja i jedne nacionalne revolucije, da ne ponavljam sad ovde zasto sve (ima vise paralela)

Problem sa nama (konkretno Srbima) ovde je sto su se slicne stvari kod nas dogadjale u sada vec dovoljno dalekoj proslosti da smo totalno liseni empatije prema onima kojima se desava danas. Uz sve ono sto se desavalo skorije. Iliti, i "iranska sisa" nosi zastavu Irana sa lavom. Mnogo tih zastava. I Peti oktobar je nosio srpske rojalisticke zastave. O Ukrajincima da ne.pricam sta sve nose. To sto se te "revolucije" naslanjaju na Zapad je nesto sto namece i 1 cista politicka logika. Nemaju na koga drugog, a na nekog moraju.

Ех, колико је нама Ферари помогао 1996... да не би Фераријеве заставе, не знам шта би било.

Mór Thököly wrote:Problem sa nama (konkretno Srbima) ovde je sto su se slicne stvari kod nas dogadjale u sada vec dovoljno dalekoj proslosti da smo totalno liseni empatije prema onima kojima se desava danas. Uz sve ono sto se desavalo skorije. Iliti, i "iranska sisa" nosi zastavu Irana sa lavom. Mnogo tih zastava. I Peti oktobar je nosio srpske rojalisticke zastave. O Ukrajincima da ne.pricam sta sve nose. To sto se te "revolucije" naslanjaju na Zapad je nesto sto namece i 1 cista politicka logika. Nemaju na koga drugog, a na nekog moraju.

Pa ako nastupaju sa pozicija zapadnih vrednosti, ko ce im pomoci nego zapad?

Летећи Полип wrote:

Mór Thököly wrote:Problem sa nama (konkretno Srbima) ovde je sto su se slicne stvari kod nas dogadjale u sada vec dovoljno dalekoj proslosti da smo totalno liseni empatije prema onima kojima se desava danas. Uz sve ono sto se desavalo skorije. Iliti, i "iranska sisa" nosi zastavu Irana sa lavom. Mnogo tih zastava. I Peti oktobar je nosio srpske rojalisticke zastave. O Ukrajincima da ne.pricam sta sve nose. To sto se te "revolucije" naslanjaju na Zapad je nesto sto namece i 1 cista politicka logika. Nemaju na koga drugog, a na nekog moraju.

Pa ako nastupaju sa pozicija zapadnih vrednosti, ko ce im pomoci nego zapad?

Још ако науче исправан одговор на питање „чија је ваша нафта“, могу да бирају и дезен а не само боју револуције.