Kyle Rittenhouse was a guest at Mar-a-Lago for the screening of a “documentary” about the “stolen election” with what appears to be a pistol under his jacket. But no worries, he’s a “good guy with a gun.” pic.twitter.com/0MqMaE6CEP
— Duty To Warn (@duty2warn) May 5, 2022
USA - США - SAD
- Posts : 8095
Join date : 2020-09-07
- Post n°351
Re: USA - США - SAD
Pištolj je desno, levo su bombe.
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
- Posts : 11662
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Age : 36
Location : Hotline Rakovica
- Post n°352
Re: USA - США - SAD
Vilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:U jebote. Pa proli će “samo” da najebu od loše izvedenih ilegalnih pobačaja, jer nemaju para da otputuju tamo gde je pobačaj legalan. Inače ih bole kurac. Srednja klasa ima pare da ode, za njih je problem ako se izlaju da su išli na pobačaj, ako zakon o drukanju bude legalan.
Zasto lose, nisu ovo pedesete. Na stranu sto kvalitet zahvata i sada zavisi od para. Inace, to sto postoji zakon kojim se nesto zabranjuje, ne znaci da ce se ta zabrana agresivno sprovoditi. Za neki prosecno autoritaran rezim je dovoljno da ima nadzor sta se desava, uz periodicni shake up zbog politickih poena.
Btw, ne verujem da ce se republikanci zaustaviti na ovome. Gurace dok god imaju politicke vajde. Sto se abortusa tice, cisto sumnjam da nece probati da ga proguraju i na federalno nivou.
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Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.
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Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
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- Post n°353
Re: USA - США - SAD
Kao sto sam vec par puta napomenuo, republikanci su u debeloj prednosti. Ne u smisli procenata, vec u procesu transformacije prema novim politickim potrebama. Demokrate su to ugusile 2016, a sad nema nikog da to zapocne ponovo. Emerging majority im se raspao, i jos su se pretvorili u SNS, u smislu da su postali utocise za bankrotirale ideologe sa celog politickog spektra.
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Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.
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Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
- Posts : 11355
Join date : 2014-10-28
- Post n°354
Re: USA - США - SAD
sledeća je kontracepcija, pa gej prava.Летећи Полип wrote:
Btw, ne verujem da ce se republikanci zaustaviti na ovome. Gurace dok god imaju politicke vajde. Sto se abortusa tice, cisto sumnjam da nece probati da ga proguraju i na federalno nivou.
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most of us probably not getting better
but not getting better together
- Posts : 7330
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- Post n°355
Re: USA - США - SAD
Can a state’s anti-abortion laws apply beyond its borders?
The end goal of the anti-abortion movement is to ban abortion nationwide. While it waits to have the votes necessary to pass such a federal law, anti-abortion legislators, prosecutors and advocates may attempt to use other state tools to stop as many abortions as possible, reaching outside state borders to limit travel or punish out-of-state providers who provide abortion for their citizens.
Missouri already has given us a taste of what this will look like. Earlier this year, a Missouri legislator introduced an amendment that would create civil liability for anyone who helps another person travel out of state to get an abortion. While this bill did not become law, it is a clear signal that anti-abortion legislators are already thinking about this next frontier.
If they do move in this direction, they will be acting against basic principles of how Americans think about travel and law. Most of us assume that if we travel out of state, we must follow the laws of wherever we are and that the laws of our home state do not apply. Think of gambling in Las Vegas before it was widely legal elsewhere — people traveled there without even a thought that their home state, where gambling was illegal, would punish them when they returned from Nevada.
However, there is no settled law that clearly reflects this understanding. Though there are strong arguments that various parts of the Constitution — including the Due Process Clause, the Privileges or Immunities Clause, the Citizenship Clause and the Dormant Commerce Clause — prohibit states from exercising their jurisdiction beyond their borders, the precedent on these points is not well developed. This lack of precedent is easily manipulable by anti-abortion judges and justices to uphold state efforts to limit abortion travel or prosecute out-of-state providers. After all, few people believed that SB8, the Texas law that creates civil liability for providers offering abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy, would be upheld, but the current Supreme Court did just that.
Can liberal states provide abortion care for people from out of state?
As abortion restrictions tighten, states with abortion rights legislators are already acting to help out-of-state people seeking abortions. Connecticut is leading the way, passing a bill that awaits the governor’s signature that will make the state a safe place for providers to care for people from other states. The bill says that the courts and agencies of Connecticut will not participate in out-of-state investigations, lawsuits or criminal prosecutions related to abortion that is lawfully performed in the state. It also allows Connecticut residents to countersue in state courts if they are roped into an SB8-style civil lawsuit after offering assistance to abortion patients in another state. Efforts to pass similar laws are already underway in California, New York and Illinois, and other abortion-supportive states are sure to follow suit in the wake of Roe’s demise.
These laws are creative ways to protect abortion access. However, even these bills’ most ardent supporters recognize that they undermine some of the key principles of our federalist structure. States normally cooperate out of respect for one another. These abortion-supportive bills test this basic principle of interstate comity. We have advocated elsewhere about the importance of such laws, but we can’t fail to recognize that these laws would chip away at a key facet of our national structure. These interstate conflicts could also wind up before the Supreme Court, where basic constitutional issues around national citizenship and state sovereignty will be at stake.
What about abortion by mail?
Historically, states have controlled abortion by controlling the providers who performed abortion procedures. But medication abortion — the two-drug regimen that the FDA has approved to end a pregnancy in the first 10 weeks — is now available by mail. People who live in a state where abortion is illegal can buy abortion pills online, either on their own or with the help of international providers. And patients have found ways to obtain abortion pills via telehealth even when they live in states that forbid the practice by using mail forwarding or giving the address of a friend or family member who can forward the medication to them.
This exposes patients, particularly the most vulnerable patients, to various legal risks. But with state and local officials having no ability to tell what a package contains (and no legal authority to inspect packages without specific suspicion and a warrant), mailed pills will be difficult to police. Anti-abortion states understand that the changing landscape of early abortion care threatens to undermine abortion bans. To that end, states are increasingly passing bans on telehealth for abortion and banning distribution of the drugs within the state. Nevertheless, the practical reality is that some of those laws are going to be very difficult to enforce.
https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2022/05/05/leave-abortion-to-states-not-easy-00029978
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- Post n°356
Re: USA - США - SAD
nema od toga ništa, ukidanjem kontracepcije i abortusa najviše se rađa siromašnih a republikanci baš i ne vole sirotilju
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Join date : 2014-10-28
- Post n°357
Re: USA - США - SAD
u kom ti paralelnom univerzumu živiš.
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most of us probably not getting better
but not getting better together
- Posts : 8095
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- Post n°358
Re: USA - США - SAD
100% će Piter Til da ukine gej prava. /s
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
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- Post n°359
Re: USA - США - SAD
svašta, kao da oni donose zakone koji će važiti za njih. Isto kao što će za svoje ljubavnice i najdesniji republikanac lako i legalno naći način da abortira ako mala slučajno zakači.
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most of us probably not getting better
but not getting better together
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Age : 36
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- Post n°360
Re: USA - США - SAD
MNE wrote:nema od toga ništa, ukidanjem kontracepcije i abortusa najviše se rađa siromašnih a republikanci baš i ne vole sirotilju
Ma ne radi se o tome. Razlog i cilj zabrane ne moraju biti oni koji su deklarisani. Autoritarnom rezimu cesto nije bitno da ti nesto zabrani samo po sebi, koliko da te drzi u stanju stalne krivice. Tako lakse vlada. Sa druge strane bitne zabrane mogu ostati neformalne, a da se ipak zestoko sprovode.
Notxor wrote:100% će Piter Til da ukine gej prava. /s
Jedno je sta on misli da ce postici, a drugo u sta to moze da se izokrene.
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Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.
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Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
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- Post n°361
Re: USA - США - SAD
Pa ne, ovo hoće. Pre 30 godina je taktika bila “hajde da ubijamo doktore koji vrše abortuse”. Od tada se taktika promenila, ali cilj nije - nema abortusa u Americi.Летећи Полип wrote:Vilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:U jebote. Pa proli će “samo” da najebu od loše izvedenih ilegalnih pobačaja, jer nemaju para da otputuju tamo gde je pobačaj legalan. Inače ih bole kurac. Srednja klasa ima pare da ode, za njih je problem ako se izlaju da su išli na pobačaj, ako zakon o drukanju bude legalan.
Zasto lose, nisu ovo pedesete. Na stranu sto kvalitet zahvata i sada zavisi od para. Inace, to sto postoji zakon kojim se nesto zabranjuje, ne znaci da ce se ta zabrana agresivno sprovoditi.
Ono što je najčudnije je da je zemlja, u celini, manje religiozna nego pre 50 godina kada je abortus ozakonjen. U Poljskoj se jasno vidi korelacija izmedju religije i zakona protiv abortusa. U Americi to uopšte nije očigledno.
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"Burundi je svakako sharmantno mesto cinika i knjiskih ljudi koji gledaju stvar sa svog olimpa od kartona."
“Here he was then, cruising the deserts of Mexico in my Ford Torino with my wife and my credit cards and his black-tongued dog. He had a chow dog that went everywhere with him, to the post office and ball games, and now that red beast was making free with his lion feet on my Torino seats.”
- Posts : 3395
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- Post n°362
Re: USA - США - SAD
Abortion and Women's rights (1970)
The film tells the illegal abortion stories of two women, one middle class and one working class, in pre-Roe v. Wade Massachusetts. Both Sue and Marie describe the fear, anxiety, financial strain, and health consequences of illegal abortion. Using statistics available at the time, the film highlights the lethal consequences of restrictions on birth control and access to abortion. More than 800,000 women had illegal abortions in 1970: 300,000 suffered complications and up to 8,000 died. Poor women of color were 90% of those who died, and their maternal mortality rate was (and is) four times that of white women.
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ja se rukovodim logikom gvozdenih determinizama
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- Post n°363
Re: USA - США - SAD
Kad je rok da se odluka "preda" tj postane javna odnosno zakon
- Posts : 7692
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- Post n°364
Re: USA - США - SAD
Guverner Teksasa zahteva da se objavi čim prije, da se sudije ne predomisle.
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"Burundi je svakako sharmantno mesto cinika i knjiskih ljudi koji gledaju stvar sa svog olimpa od kartona."
“Here he was then, cruising the deserts of Mexico in my Ford Torino with my wife and my credit cards and his black-tongued dog. He had a chow dog that went everywhere with him, to the post office and ball games, and now that red beast was making free with his lion feet on my Torino seats.”
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Join date : 2021-09-13
- Post n°366
Re: USA - США - SAD
to je i jedna od teorija o razlogu leakovanjaVilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:Guverner Teksasa zahteva da se objavi čim prije, da se sudije ne predomisle.
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- Post n°367
Re: USA - США - SAD
Mislim ovo je ustavna kriza u najavi, ako i vec nije.
- Posts : 82800
Join date : 2012-06-10
- Post n°368
Re: USA - США - SAD
Class Dismissed
The End of Roe v. Wade Won’t Motivate DemocratsUnfortunately, it won’t hurt Republicans either.
Natalie Shure/
May 5, 2022
- Spoiler:
In January 2016, the biggest pro-life event of the year was a bust. As a blizzard dropped some two feet of snow on D.C., thousands of would-be March for Life attendees stayed home, leaving just a fraction of the annual rally’s typical crowd. And beyond the inclement weather, things weren’t looking so great for the cause: In less than a year, most people supposed, Hillary Clinton would assume the presidency and start nominating judges specifically chosen to uphold abortion rights.
But if the mood at the snowed-out anti-abortion march hinted at imminent failure, within weeks the movement would be pleasantly surprised: Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia’s death left behind an eight-judge court split more or less ideologically in half. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell famously propped the vacancy open until Trump took office; Trump replaced Scalia and intermittent abortion tolerator Anthony Kennedy with Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, plucked from a list devised to assuage concerns about the ex–reality show host’s candidacy from all throngs of the right, who needn’t have worried. Finally, mere weeks before the 2020 presidential election, another star aligned for conservatives with the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. In short order, Ginsburg was replaced by Amy Coney Barrett, an archconservative from Notre Dame whose anti-abortion bona fides were so ironclad that in a newspaper ad she once explicitly called to strike down Roe v. Wade.
Barrett’s appointment solidified a decisive shift on abortion rights, tilting the plausibly anti-Roe forces toward a 6–3 majority that could afford to lose a swing vote and still disable the 49-year-old precedent. The pro-life movement acted accordingly, advancing bold provocations it may have avoided under a more liberal court. Texas passed a convoluted law designed to evade precedent law by letting any old shmoo file civil suits against whoever abets an abortion after six weeks; the judiciary took no action to stop it. And in December 2021, the court majority appeared swayed by oral arguments for Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Mississippi case poised to serve as a pretext to overturn all or part of Roe v. Wade. This May, Politico leaked a draft decision that seemed to confirm it would.
Some pro-choicers—understandably devastated to see Republicans within striking distance of fulfilling a decades-long campaign promise—hold out hope that Roe’s fall could be galvanizing. After all, well over half of Americans support legal abortion in many or all circumstances; as few as 20 percent report wanting Roe overturned outright. Politico noted that its scoop had “instantly jolted Democrats ... and many hope it could change the tide of the midterm elections.” The reasoning echoes a previous warning, in The New York Times, that Roe’s fall “might take away a powerful tool for energizing conservative voters—and it might motivate liberal ones.” The Atlantic similarly insisted that Republicans had “awakened America’s pro–abortion-rights majority.” This analysis even has purchase among Republicans. As one GOP pollster put it to the Associated Press, “It is going to be a very motivating issue for women who haven’t typically been single-issue pro-choice voters.”
Such optimism will likely prove unfounded: To suggest that the collapse of Roe could effectively inspire the sort of movement-building for the broader left that it has for the right is to misunderstand at once the class politics of abortion and the role it’s played within both parties. As much as we might wish otherwise, the most plausible impact the end of Roe v. Wade will have on electoral politics is little to none at all.
The basic story of how abortion became a cause célèbre for the Republican Party goes like this: In the postwar United States, when the coalitions that made up each major party looked very different from today’s, abortion was controversial but not an issue that split opinion along partisan lines. Even Ronald Reagan, whose political star rose after he lent his Hollywood charm to propaganda for the anti-Medicare campaign, signed a bill loosening abortion restrictions as governor of California in 1967. In 1970, Republican New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller signed into law the country’s most liberal abortion law; in 1972, pro-choice feminists like Jill Ruckelshaus attended the Republican National Convention as delegates.
Early organized blowback to the 1973 Roe decision was limited mostly to working-class Roman Catholics, who tended to vote for Democrats. (Within days of the ruling, my Irish grandparents dragged my 11-year-old mother to an anti-Roe protest in Chicago, where she was given a bracelet emblazoned with the date January 22, 1973, and told to wear it until Roe was overturned. To her credit, she has not.) Meanwhile, civil rights advances and desegregation efforts in the 1960s and 1970s drove a racist backlash among white Southerners, who began exiting the Democratic Party for the GOP and tapping into a defensive identity politics centered on Christianity rather than on explicit white supremacy. At around the same time, the booming postwar manufacturing sector began to grow sluggish, leaving an opening for capital to launch a counterattack on labor and blunt its decades of ascendancy, a historical and political process known as neoliberalism. (The high-water mark for union membership came in 1979, not long after Roe v. Wade.) The business factions of the Republican Party grew stronger, and the labor factions of the Democratic Party grew weaker, until finally, amid significant cultural and electoral upheaval and at the start of a still ongoing top-down siege on the poor and working class, Ronald Reagan’s 1980 presidential campaign managed to cobble together the coalition that’s defined American politics ever since: an ultrarich ruling class exclusively committed to serving the interests of capital, and the so-called religious right, which ably racks up votes for the former by drumming up angst about race, gender, and “morality.” Outrage over abortion—and, not so subtly, over the mouthy women’s libbers who seemed to love it so much—soon proved to be a particularly powerful flag to plant.
With his reconstituted Republican base, Reagan won two eye-popping landslide elections for president in a row. Realizing the centrality of the pro-life movement to his political brand, in 1985 he became the first sitting president to address the March for Life. For its part, the swath of the GOP preoccupied with business interests got plenty of juice for the squeeze: Abortion and other ostensibly moral issues continued to turn out voters for the Republican Party, which morphed into an extraordinarily effective wish-fulfillment vehicle for the country’s plutocrats: In the 1980s and 1990s, the right managed to slash taxes, decimate unions, liquidate pensions, corporatize health care, capture regulatory agencies, and more. Meanwhile, the pro-life movement operated as a sort of Get Out the Vote operation, delivering intermittent strikes against Roe such as 1992’s Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which opened the door to all manner of restrictions, so long as they didn’t constitute an “undue burden” on choice. Since the 1980s, pro-life activists have also targeted abortion clinics and providers—bombing and assassinating them, in extreme cases; barraging them with legal hoops to jump through; coercing providers into the provision of medically unnecessary ultrasounds and messaging; and lobbying for parental notification requirements, mandatory wait times, and so on.
Supporters of abortion rights have of course offered responses of their own. But if pro-choice activists have always been clear-eyed about the need to defend reproductive choice against attacks from the right, their analysis of the stakes hasn’t always been right. Nothing in recent years better illustrates erroneous mainstream interpretations of Roe than the ubiquity of cloak-and-bonnet costumes at pro-choice demonstrations. The outfits invoke the classic novel and TV adaptation of The Handmaid’s Tale, which imagines a dystopia that relegates women to incubator status. Suffice it to say that the overwhelmingly white professional-class women who don these costumes don’t inhabit a country on the verge of becoming a theocracy or even a patriarchy, but an oligarchy—the harms of which they’ll be relatively spared from.
That’s the too seldom articulated truth that puts bitter U.S. abortion battles into context: Wealthy and powerful women will always be able to get one. Long before legal abortion, in fact, those with means could afford higher-caliber surreptitious providers or travel elsewhere to get care they needed. And even in a post-Roe world, corporate executives who don’t want to be pregnant won’t be forced to remain so. The same can’t be said of poor women, disproportionately women of color. Meanwhile, at the margins of abortion access, the ongoing machinations of pro-life zealots have won plenty of concession prizes that force the poor through demeaning rigmarole they can’t afford. For the women who need abortion most, access to it has already seriously dwindled, and whatever options they do have may be prohibitively expensive, thanks to the Hyde Amendment, introduced in 1976, which blocked Medicaid coverage of the procedure. Back when Roe was decided, the prototypical abortion patient was young, white, highly educated, and ambitious, and seeking an abortion to fulfill career goals, self-actualize, or postpone a family—all perfectly valid reasons that nonetheless differ from those expressed by the typical abortion patient today, who is older with children already, Black, and low-income, and who usually reports opting for abortion because she can’t afford another child. In short, the anti-abortion movement is class war disguised as culture war, and reproductive justice must entail not just the right to abortion but resource redistribution and funding of the sorts of universal programs that the far right has used issues like abortion to block. (Compare a comprehensive reproductive justice demand to the pro-choice movement’s political strategy, which in no small part amounts to giving money to corporate Democrats.)
Once you reframe abortion as a top-down class war, it’s easy to see why the fall of Roe won’t amp people up the way some expect it to. While higher-class women understandably see Roe as a powerful guarantor of their personhood and equal status with men, poorer women have already lacked Roe’s protections for a long time—and it’s unclear whether an oppressed population already long under political siege and less likely to vote will be thrust toward an epiphany by a SCOTUS ruling. In polls, the people who report caring most about abortion relative to other issues are young, progressive, educated, concentrated in cities, and of higher income—already one of the Democratic Party’s strongest bases. The moderate suburban voters some analysis predicted could be brought into the Democratic fold have largely already entered, in 2018 and 2020—and even if they disapprove of overturning Roe, polls suggest they may not care quite enough to prioritize it over other issues.
Nor does it seem likely that Republicans will be rewarded if they deliver a major pro-life victory this summer. Abortion has already passed its apex as a cause for Republican voters, with the number opposing it actually dipping slightly in recent years. The party has long since moved on to riling people up over other shameful social projects, like terrorizing trans children and getting books banned from libraries—issues that can be swapped in fairly seamlessly for abortion as far as mobilizing voters goes. And just as they did decades before, those right-wing voters—with their convenient geographical distribution relative to liberal city folk, the Senate being what it is—are summoned to uphold every advantage of capital. The political solution to that—and to securing reproductive rights in the process—must be deeply rooted in class, just as abortion always has been.
Natalie Shure @nataliesurely
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"Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."
Dragoslav Bokan, Novi putevi oftalmologije
- Posts : 52638
Join date : 2017-11-16
- Post n°369
Re: USA - США - SAD
Američki politički sistem je van pameti. Mislim generalno predsednicki sistemi su idiotski, ali oni su ekstrem. Zato sto em je predsednicki sistem, em taj predsednik malo sta uopste moze da uradi, osim da se bavi spoljnom politikom i to u najgrubljem vidu. Predsednik mora negde da skuplja politicke poene za reizbor, a ostaje mu malo sta drugo osim spoljne politike.
- Posts : 52638
Join date : 2017-11-16
- Post n°370
Re: USA - США - SAD
A o sistemu glasanja necu ni da govorim...
- Posts : 7692
Join date : 2020-03-05
- Post n°371
Re: USA - США - SAD
Mmmm, može da daje inicijativu za zakone, koordiniše frakcije u partiji ako imaju vlast u oba doma pa treba da proguraju zakon, donosi ukaze kad zatreba, stavi veto kad zatreba…
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"Burundi je svakako sharmantno mesto cinika i knjiskih ljudi koji gledaju stvar sa svog olimpa od kartona."
“Here he was then, cruising the deserts of Mexico in my Ford Torino with my wife and my credit cards and his black-tongued dog. He had a chow dog that went everywhere with him, to the post office and ball games, and now that red beast was making free with his lion feet on my Torino seats.”
- Posts : 52638
Join date : 2017-11-16
- Post n°372
Re: USA - США - SAD
"Ako imaju vlast u oba doma"...
Ukazi, veto i ostalo su realno privremene mere.
A vlast u oba doma mora biti bar malo komotnija, jer ce se uvek na i 1-2 se(r)natora da im nesto ne igra zbog sopstvenih biraca.
Ukazi, veto i ostalo su realno privremene mere.
A vlast u oba doma mora biti bar malo komotnija, jer ce se uvek na i 1-2 se(r)natora da im nesto ne igra zbog sopstvenih biraca.
- Posts : 11355
Join date : 2014-10-28
- Post n°373
Re: USA - США - SAD
Evo, nije dugo trebalo
izvor
It's not about babies - it's about controlling women
Opponents of the bill said its broad scope would also criminalize in vitro fertilization, intrauterine birth control devices (IUDs) and emergency contraception as well.
Schilling pointed to the committee’s decision just one week earlier to reject legislation that would protect women from prosecution for a lost pregnancy. In that debate, committee members characterized the notion that a person would be prosecuted for having a miscarriage or ectopic pregnancy as farfetched, but a week later they passed legislation that could allow for just that.
izvor
It's not about babies - it's about controlling women
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most of us probably not getting better
but not getting better together
- Posts : 7692
Join date : 2020-03-05
- Post n°375
Re: USA - США - SAD
Republikanci se raskomotili:
Sta se promenilo? Deca imigranata imaju manje potrebe da nauce engleski ili azbuku? Jok, solidna anticivilizacijska vecina u Vrhovnom Sudu, pa hajde da probamo da sto vise razgradimo sve sto lici na civilizaciju.
The statements were made in response to Abbott announcing Wednesday that Texas "will resurrect" a challenge to Plyler v. Doe (1982) in order to lessen the costs of educating undocumented immigrants. The Supreme Court decision voided Texas education laws in 1975 that allowed the state to withhold funds from local districts for educating children of undocumented immigrants. The high court held that all children, regardless of their immigration status, are entitled to access public education.
"Texas already long ago sued the federal government about having to incur the costs of the education program, in a case called Plyler versus Doe," Abbott said. "And the Supreme Court ruled against us on the issue. ... I think we will resurrect that case and challenge this issue again, because the expenses are extraordinary and the times are different than when Plyler versus Doe was issued many decades ago."
Sta se promenilo? Deca imigranata imaju manje potrebe da nauce engleski ili azbuku? Jok, solidna anticivilizacijska vecina u Vrhovnom Sudu, pa hajde da probamo da sto vise razgradimo sve sto lici na civilizaciju.
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"Burundi je svakako sharmantno mesto cinika i knjiskih ljudi koji gledaju stvar sa svog olimpa od kartona."
“Here he was then, cruising the deserts of Mexico in my Ford Torino with my wife and my credit cards and his black-tongued dog. He had a chow dog that went everywhere with him, to the post office and ball games, and now that red beast was making free with his lion feet on my Torino seats.”