UK - Politika i društvo

Gargantua wrote:

In towns where the steelworks have closed, politics as a whole wasn’t trusted, but Boris Johnson’s promise to “get Brexit done” – sold as a blow to the system – was.

"olako obećana brzina" i "antibirokratska revolucija"

klasična manipulacija kad se vlast postavi u ulogu opozicionara i zahteva da "nešto bude urađeno".

KinderLad wrote:https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2019/dec/14/we-won-the-argument-but-i-regret-we-didnt-convert-that-into-a-majority-for-change

Zuper wrote:Kada smo to razresili da ti kazem da na vlast u UK ili SAD neces doci bez pomoci milijardera.

Treba izaci sa umerenom i reformskom ali ne i radikalnom platformom osim kod direktnog targetiranja mladjih glasaca. 

Zuper wrote:Bilion u srpskom jeziku je jedinica koja ima 12 nula iza 1 a ne 9.
Tu cifru nema ni priblizno nijedan covek na Zemlji.
To se desava kada se mesa engleski i srpski pa onda ispadas tupco.

Kada smo to razresili da ti kazem da na vlast u UK ili SAD neces IZBORIMA doci bez pomoci milijardera.
Sa time u vezi, cela tvoja prica je glupost i elementarno nepoznavanje kako zapadni, a narocito, anglo svet funkcionise, sto je problem mnogih na ovome forumu.

Mr.Pink wrote:A MOZE I BEZ UVLACENJA U BULJU, PRIMERICE OVAKO

Gargantua wrote:kad kažeš da je to "samo tvrdo", staljin, trocki, đeržinski i buđoni se prevrću u grobu.

Papa Lazarou wrote:Kompromiserske tendencije.

Kondo wrote:ko nije malo pišnuo u gaće nek se baci kamenom

https://jacobinmag.com/2019/12/labour-party-jeremy-corbyn-uk-elections-conservative-party-tories

...
This may seem glib. But our lack of credibility in former heartlands points to a radical disjuncture in how class is experienced in contemporary Britain — especially England. The collapse of support for the Labour Party in postindustrial constituencies is the final stage of the destruction of the “worlds of labor” that once sustained it with an iron certainty. I do not simply mean the closure of mining, steel, and other industries, but the withering away of the much broader social and cultural realities that once flourished alongside them.

Unionization rates, as is well known, have collapsed, as has union militancy. But a whole range of institutions has also gone: socialist Sunday schools, sports and musical clubs, Labour associations, working men’s clubs, and friendly societies. These were the resources that the labor movement had built up over a century as a defence against the alienating and atomizing drive of capital; together, they meant that almost every facet of daily life was imbued with something now painfully lacking — working-class pride and a common-sense consciousness.

We have long known the problems that this decline poses for any socialist movement in practical terms. Less understood, perhaps, is the enervating effect it has had on consciousness, and on what people consider to be possible. Positions around nationalization and taxation, which once seemed abundantly obvious to people in what was, until December 12, called the Red Wall of Labour strongholds, now seem in a quite literal sense incredible.

The autobiographical sketch with which I opened this piece points to the ways in which the experiences of my section of the contemporary working class have come to stand in for what a mass and deeply embedded labor movement once provided. Even for us, it is a hopelessly inadequate substitute, but it nonetheless crucially extends our understanding of political possibility. Nothing similar has occurred in Mansfield or Bolsover, Blyth Valley or Crewe. There are no great accumulations of wealth that people can clearly see and imagine reappropriating. The local bourgeoisie, once based in industry and manufacture, has vanished, and with them, a tangible target of class struggle. Of course, there are huge supermarkets and warehouses for international capital. But these are distant and possibly overwhelming enemies, run locally not by their shareholders but by a managerial layer that itself often barely climbs into the lower middle class. Their mode of operation is designed not only to extract maximum surplus value, but to impress upon workers the sense of utter powerlessness.
...

We have to contend with the fact that we suffered a devastating defeat to a party of right-wing, racist nationalism that was shameless in its deployment of naked lies. We have to contend with a suspicion that these lies were so brazen that their purpose was not to deceive us, but to generate a radical distrust and disbelief that now extends across the entire political field, and probably harms us more than it harms them. We have to contend with the reality that the Right, even if it presently works almost entirely in the realms of ideology and psychological manipulation, is able to do so with stunning effect on a social fabric that is rapidly and catastrophically unraveling.

We have to reckon with the implication that, beyond the particularities of the various cynical smears against Corbyn, there may well be something very deeply rooted in British culture that is repelled by the thought of someone so unviolent, so unmasculine, so removed from an ethics of supremacy. We have to understand the consequences of the world’s sixth-largest economy deciding that it is simply not going to take climate change seriously.
...

There are likely to be explosive social consequences to Conservative rule. I think the probability of a new wave of urban riots, akin to 2011 and 1981, is very high. I wrote recently about the deep crisis of traditional conservatism and the Tory Party, and stand by most of my analysis. What has surprised me is the speed and success with which they have managed to transform themselves into something qualitatively new, and join the global shift to an authoritarian, racist right, fully prepared to ignore the etiquette and take on the institutions of liberal democracy. My fear is not that the Conservatives are suddenly strategic geniuses capable of forging a stable, long-term hegemonic bloc. My fear is that, given the scale of the defeat and the extent of rebuilding that is required, they may not have to.

We gave everything, and we were right to. But it wasn’t enough, and we need to understand why. A return to centrism isn’t a strategy (does anyone remember The Independent Group: Change UK, or Tony Blair’s five million lost votes — the very places that have now turned blue?). A call by many on the far left, whose politics I share, to return “to the streets” isn’t a strategy. A blind continuation of Corbyn’s approach isn’t a strategy. Finding one requires a painful sifting through the ruins.