UK - Politika i društvo

Positions around nationalization and taxation, which once seemed abundantly obvious to people in what was, until December 12, called the Red Wall of Labour strongholds, now seem in a quite literal sense incredible.

Indy wrote:Niko da primeti koliko je dobro to što je Korbin izgubio i time spasao Britaniju od talasa strašnog antisemitizma.

They monstered Corbyn for years & after he says he’ll resign the media produces this video basically eulogising how principled & decent he always has been. It’s like when Tony Benn was asked how he became a national treasure: “Because they think I’m harmless now” https://t.co/7MPZlEmrIy

— Marcus Barnett (@marcusbarnett_) December 15, 2019

Indy wrote:

Treba izaci sa umerenom i reformskom ali ne i radikalnom platformom osim kod direktnog targetiranja mladjih glasaca. 

Nije u tome stvar. Po izveštajima s terena (od Labour aktivista koji su door-knockovali pre izbora), JC je užasno iziritirao rasiste u svim klasama UK (uključujući i radničku). Potomci imperije u kojoj sunce ne zalazi, ne mogu da smisle nekog ko sasvim iskreno ne misli da su tamno obojeni ljudi (a posebno muslimani) inferiorni. (Ovo za muslimane - cela fora sa ljagom apropo "antisemitizma" je samo kod za to da JC ima normalan ljudski odnos prema muslimanima... to jednostavno ne može da prođe tamo.)
Inače, platforma JC je bila umereno socijaldemokratska, ništa radikalno, a posebno ne "socijalizam" za koji ga napadaju oni koji izgleda nemaju ni elementarnog pojma šta je to (a to je sve manje ljudi... živimo u doba astronomski masivne gluposti).

Boris Johnson is plotting a dramatic overhaul of Whitehall after his landslide election victory, in a drive to demonstrate that the Government “works for the people”.

Dominic Cummings, Mr Johnson’s chief aide, is to spearhead plans for radical reforms to the civil service, including a review of the processes for hiring and firing officials, to ensure Whitehall delivers the Prime Minister’s agenda.

He has previously complained that “almost no one is ever fired” in Whitehall, during a lecture in which he set out a “to-do list” he had maintained in case “I ever manage to get control of No 10.” It suggests Mr Johnson’s programme for the next five years is likely to be much more radical 

Boris Johnson has drawn up plans to run a “revolutionary” government that will see ministers sacked, Whitehall departments abolished and civil servants replaced by external experts in a bid to “reshape” the economy.

Up to a third of the cabinet face the sack in a February reshuffle after Brexit so that fresh faces can be brought in to create a “transformative” government focused on the needs of working-class voters who propelled him to a landslide victory last week.

But in the first signs of resistance to Johnson’s transformation of government, two former ministers at the Department for International Development have warned him against merging it with the Foreign Office.

Buried on page 48, the 2019 manifesto contains a single mention of the party’s pledge to “update” the 1998 HRA, which brings the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) into domestic law. It doesn’t specify what an update looks like, or when it will happen (beyond “after Brexit,” which isn’t much of a clue). The text is not bold; nor italic. The language is euphemistic and vague, indicating that the update will “ensure that there is a proper balance between the rights of individuals, our vital national security and effective government.” This is not a pledge intended to draw attention.

When he was defeated in the Cherry case, Johnson baldly said the Supreme Court—the ultimate arbiter on constitutional law—was “wrong” to decide the matter as it had. And Geoffrey Cox–the prime mnister’s Attorney General who had advised that the suspension of parliament was lawful —demanded political scrutiny of Supreme Court appointments. Meanwhile, the Conservative Manifesto pledges to limit judicial review—the legal mechanism by which the government can be constrained to act in accordance with law.

So it is hard to look with confidence to judges.

Although the textbooks might paint a judge as solitary creatures sitting aloof of the political fray, the reality is rather different. In theory her legitimacy stems from a supposed indifference to the bump and grind of daily politics. But in practice, and especially in political spheres, judges are alert to what happens around them, what is said of them, and their perception of the public mood.

They will have seen a prime minister style himself as “The People’s Government.” They are not so blind as to miss this attempt to perpetuate the power of the referendum, a power channelled directly from the people to him, and for all of his actions. The narrative Boris Johnson has chosen for himself presents any interference—whether by judge or some other—as in defiance of the “will of the people,” and thus anti-democratic.

Gargantua wrote:problem za njih - a to je uveliko i problem u evropi - što linija fronta prema nekakvoj tvrđoj desnici zapravo ne znači ništa. linija fronta se mora povući (i) prema liberalnom centru, tj onome što je ostalo od njega. delom što je liberalni centar stvorio političko polje koje je potpuno dezavuisalo tekovine socdema, delom zato što će gomila centrista iz svojih ličnih interesa na ovaj ili onaj način paktirati sa desnicom ako nisu već dosad.

bolje da levica počne ili pokuša da i sama otkida nešto odatle nego da bogougodno čeka da se stvari same nekako "reše". ovo stanje pasivizacije na toj relaciji je već sada pogubno.

Like clockwork https://t.co/aDLpHpZqsh

— Mairav Zonszein מרב זונשיין (@MairavZ) December 15, 2019

Zuper wrote:To je tacno.
Protestanti proterani iz Francuske, Jevreji sa kontinenta i Holandezi su napravili ekonomski mocnu britaniju u 18 i 19 veku.