Levica u Srbiji i svetu

Filipenko wrote:

Vilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:Imaš zemlju koja je jedan od najvećih izvoznika nafte. Bukvalno sediš na ćupu zlata, i ne umeš od toga da živiš kao čovek. I kliker bi pokvarili, što reče jednom Hella.

Ontopic: u Venecueli je sprega levice sa vojskom. Kako to u praksi izgleda? Kao u Srbiji, samo što umesto donatora SNS kajmak skuplja vojska. U praksi to izgleda tako što recimo za načelnika bolnice postave nekog oficira koji veze nema sa zdravstvom, smene dotadašnjeg načelnika i one ispod, a ako se ovi pobune, vojno lice im udje u kancelariju, zatvori vrata, stavi pištolj na sto i kaže “znamo gde živiš, i znamo gde su ti deca i gde rade”. I gle čuda, takvi lekari emigriraju: u Peru, u Čile, u Ameriku, gdegod.  ti šilji patku na Venecuelu i dalje, bolje je što ne znaš da je to u stvari SNS + vojska.

Zvuci kao Ukrajina. Samo ti tamo ne postave vojno lice za nacelnika, sefa policije ili lokalnog upravnika, nego nacistu koga odredi oligarh iz svojih odreda za uterivanje straha.

Hint: kako zamisljas zivot od izvoza nafte ako ti je sankcijama zabranjen izvoz nafte? 

Remember the book "Shock Doctrine" (the book you wrote) which is what Russia went through after the Collapse of the Soviet Union!

Every single working class person in the world was worse off after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Worse will happen if China collapses! https://t.co/SZx7XdLHwc

— Esha K (@eshaLegal) November 28, 2022

Solus_Rex wrote:Takoe!

Remember the book "Shock Doctrine" (the book you wrote) which is what Russia went through after the Collapse of the Soviet Union!

Every single working class person in the world was worse off after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Worse will happen if China collapses! https://t.co/SZx7XdLHwc

— Esha K (@eshaLegal) November 28, 2022

...

If the Marxian approach to the understanding of class and capitalism has not yet been surpassed, it remains the case that the 21st century has no dialectical direction—not even one of elementary human development: in the 2010s, the life-expectancy growth trend was broken in the US and UK; and in 2020 and 2021, the UN Human Development Index fell below its level of 2017. The climate crisis is already producing unprecedented heat, droughts and floods, displacing millions. The very survival of parts of humankind hangs in the balance. This is a century of uncertainty and unpredictability, under dark clouds of impending catastrophe. Another world remains possible, even though the road to it now looks more sombre and dangerous than at the beginning of the century, with its militant alter-globalists, its ecumenical World Social Fora, its creative anti-austerity protesters, democratic indignados and buds of socialism. However, cracks in the world system are opening spaces for new rounds of left creativity, and human anger at global injustice has strengthened as a force for change.

Formidable challenges lie ahead. If the new left has begun to tackle the complexities of the climate crisis, it has barely started to investigate the hypertrophied forms of financial accumulation or to explore the types of global solidarity required for planetary action in a world of mounting imperial rivalry. How to assess the issues raised by unstable new geopolitical divisions—and find practical answers for them—will be one of the most difficult and demanding tasks of this century, in particular for the Northern left. It will have to combine a critical-realist conception of international relations with an idealist one—for the sake of peace and the human right to live. No rational left can possibly enlist in the defence of us world domination or the perpetuation of the half-millennial rule of the West, even if draped in recently invented ‘universal values’. For the left today, as for Jaurès and Luxemburg, the only consistent geopolitical position is one of trying to stop the next world war while fighting for human emancipation.

In the Global North, the parameters of electoral politics have shifted to the detriment of the left, with the capture of a section of the popular classes by a new xenophobic nationalist right. In Latin America a more progressive turn is under way, but without the daring of the early century. In Africa and Asia no clear political tendencies are yet visible, though popular resistance to existing politics certainly is. The 21st-century left may not yet be sufficiently prepared for the predictable challenges that lie ahead. But it has already demonstrated its capacity to connect, to protest and to resist. Its creative dynamism, in contrast to the fatigue and despondency of the left in the early neoliberal era, and its rebellious mass-movementality are two rational grounds for cautious optimism about its capacity to meet the coming challenges—underlining the uncertainty of the darkness, as well. The left of the last century has no recipes to hand out, but its history—of defeats, errors and failures as well as of victories and achievements—is a rich inheritance of experience accessible to the generations to come.

Socialism was the horizon of the 20th-century left. It briefly re-emerged as ‘21st-century socialism’ across a Latin American crescent that stretched from Venezuela to Bolivia, and as ‘democratic socialism’ in the us and uk—still marginal in the former, if growing; crushed by a vicious orchestrated campaign in the latter. In the postcolonial South and in Europe, not much of a socialist horizon remains, even on the left. This is a historic loss of vision—the forfeit of an inspiring imaginary future. True, the vigorous waves of anti-neoliberal opposition by the new left and the inventiveness of its practice have shown that this loss is not fatal. There are eye-glasses of several kinds. Twentieth-century history has also taught us that social transformations are rarely made according to blueprints. However, a long march needs a direction.

Actually existing capitalism will increasingly be challenged in this century. While it has some resources for dealing with climate catastrophe, capitalist solutions will at best be tailored for niche classes in a few lucky niche regions. The current world-market economy will have to change profoundly, one way or the other; social and political struggles—and practical imagination—will determine how. At the same time, the Forward March of Asia means the space for Western practices and values will shrink, although we don’t know how. Finally there is the existential question which more people, now better informed and better connected than ever, will raise. Why should we accept that the current socio-economic system—of affluence for at most 30 per cent of the human population and exclusion, exploitation and lives brutish, nasty and short for the rest—is the best humanity can build? The left should have a crucial role to play in the dramatic challenges of the 21st century. Time to get ready.

Početak Jadrankine karijere u Japanu bio je izuzetno neobičan, jer joj je po dolasku rečeno da su putevi za predstavljanje autora iz manjih i Japancima relativno nepoznatih zemalja ograničeni i da, pošto je ona iz komunističke zemlje, ne preostaje ništa drugo nego da se promocija njenih pesama izvrši uz pomoć Komunističke partije Japana.

Tako je Jadranka, koja je uspela da sklopi četvorogodišnji ugovor sa gigantom muzičke industrije „Tošiba-EMI“, najpre nastupila na muzičkom festivalu u organizaciji Japanske komunističke partije.

Napadnut Janis Varufakis, iz njegove stranke kažu da ga je tuklo više ljudi https://t.co/zUBVJ3pmSX

— TV N1 Beograd (@N1infoBG) March 11, 2023