Brexit

No Country wrote:Добар чланак, баш онако права доза противотрова за ове којима дан почиње са Политиком. Међутим, мало ми је спорна теза о национализму који "нестаје" са глобализацијом - јер то евидентно није случај. Зајебана је измишљотина национализам: јесте га породила индустријска револуција, све је то Маркс одлично објаснио - но је "чедо" истог трена и са збиља непоновљивом лакоћом нашло свој пут у књижевност, образовање, медије, касније и у спорт - у "дух" народа. И ту ће да нам аветиња још ихахај, и да буде од велике користи разним Трамповима и Брегзитима и сличним.

Naime, Velika Britanija je po pitanju razvoja i bogatstva, a naročito podele bogatstva, veoma neuravnotežena zemlja. Postoje izuzetno razvijeni i bogati delovi, ali i oni izuzetno zaostali i siromašni koji se bore s visokom nezaposlenošću. Radnici koji već imaju malu šansu da promene svoj status nezaposlenog dodatno su zaplašeni imigrantima koji bi pristajali da rade za manje novca i pod lošijim uslovima. U pitanju je dakle nacionalizam na ekonomskoj pre nego na identitetskoj osnovi.

At the beginning of her first address to the Conservative conference, Theresa May flashed a smile at those watching above. She adores Tory activists and they adore her. After the strained relations of the Cameron years, Conservative members have got their party back. Every mention of EU withdrawal was raucously cheered, just as “socialism” was at Labour’s gathering.
Brexit was a dream born on the Conservatives’ fringes. Its proponents, such as Daniel Hannan and Douglas Carswell, were economic liberals and fiscal conservatives. The post-EU Britain they envisioned would tax less, spend less and borrow less.
But policy is not evolving in that direction. Brexit was once heralded by the right, and dreaded by the left, as an opportunity to cast off social legislation. International Development secretary Priti Patel said during the referendum: “If we could just halve the burden [of legislation]. . . we could deliver a £4.3bn boost to our economy and 60,000 new jobs.”
But far from reducing workers’ rights, May is intent on expanding them. David Cameron chose the venture capitalist Adrian Beecroft to lead a review of employment law. May has appointed the former Labour adviser Matthew Taylor. For the Prime Minister, the Leave vote was not merely a mandate to exit from the EU but to reshape domestic policy. Ideas such as worker representation on company boards, stricter controls on foreign takeovers and tougher limits on executive pay are designed to address the economic grievances which underlay the referendum result.

The Conservatives’ more statist direction did not originate with May. Their 2015 manifesto opened with the Beveridgean declaration: “We have a plan for every stage of your life”. The living wage, the apprenticeship levy and the “sugar tax” all testified to Osborne’s interventionist instincts.
But a confluence of forces has accelerated this trend. May has long been more pragmatic than many of her doctrinaire colleagues. Her conservatism owes more to French Gaullists and German Christian Democrats than American Reaganites. Rather than the market, the state is revered as the vehicle for advancing national greatness.

William Murderface wrote:Inače, kad su njima izbori? 

Kinder Lad wrote:Ima i ono da je Milosevic bio ekonomski najliberalniji od vladara 6 republika...

Kinder Lad wrote:

William Murderface wrote:Inače, kad su njima izbori? 

Ko to zna...legitimitet sad crpu iz referenduma

William Murderface wrote:Aaaaa! 2020.-e!

Šokovi, jbt.

William Murderface wrote:Mislim, nije se na referendumu birala promena ekonomske politike.