Rat u Ukrajini

The Turtle

Američki plaćenik (penzionisani oficir) priča po povratku iz Ukrajine, tamo je bio po ugovoru aa Mocart grupom (da, neki Ameri napravili imensku kontru Vagneru).

https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii138/articles/volodymyr-ishchenko-ukrainian-voices

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Today, ‘decolonization’ is proposed for Ukraine and Russia in a context in which neoliberalism has taken the place of state-developmentalist policies and post-structuralist ‘postcolonial studies’ have displaced theories of neo-imperialist dependency. National liberation is no longer understood as intrinsically linked to social revolution, challenging the basis of capitalism and imperialism. Instead, it happens in the context of the ‘deficient revolutions’ of the Maidan type, which neither achieve the consolidation of liberal democracy nor eradicate corruption. If they succeed in overthrowing authoritarian regimes and ‘empowering’ the ngo representatives of civil society, they are also liable to weaken the public sector and increase crime rates, social inequality and ethnic tensions.
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So far, Ukraine’s ‘decolonization’ has not led to more robust state-interventionist economic policies but almost precisely the opposite. Paradoxically, despite the objective imperatives of the war, Ukraine is proceeding with privatizations, lowering taxes, scrapping protective labour legislation and favouring ‘transparent’ international corporations over ‘corrupt’ domestic firms.footnote2 The plans for post-war reconstruction did not read like a programme for building a stronger sovereign state but like a pitch to foreign investors for a start-up; or at least, that was the impression given by Ukrainian ministers at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Lugano last summer. Some naively hope that ‘war anarchism’ founded on the cherished horizontal volunteerism that has flourished since the Russian invasion, will substitute for the time-proven ‘war socialism’.
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In this way, Ukraine’s ‘decolonization’ becomes a version of (national-)identity politics—that is, a politics centered around the affirmation of belonging to a particular essentialized group, with a projected shared experience. Here—thanks to the increased global interest in Ukraine, but also to the physical relocation of Ukrainians to Western countries where they can enter more actively into international debates—Ukrainian scholars, intellectuals and artists face a dilemma. Either we allow ourselves to become incorporated as just another ‘voice’ in a very specific field of institutionalized identity politics in the West, where Ukrainians would be just the latest addition to a long queue of a myriad of other minority voices. Or instead, starting from the tragedy of Ukraine, we set out to articulate the questions of global relevance, search for their solutions, and contribute to universal human knowledge.
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Needless to say, it is not Russian recognition that Ukrainian identity politics is seeking. The idea of talking to Russians, even unambiguously anti-Putin and anti-war Russians, is constantly under attack. As one Ukrainian politician put it, ‘good Russians do not exist’.footnote7 Instead, Ukrainian identity politics primarily targets the West, which is held to be culpable for allowing the Russian invasion, trading with Russia, ‘appeasing’ Putin’s regime, providing insufficient support for Ukraine and reproducing ‘Russian imperialist’ narratives about Eastern Europe.footnote8 Yet if the West is to be blamed for Ukraine’s suffering, it could relatively easily redeem itself by providing unconditional support for ‘the Ukrainian’ and unconditional rejection of ‘the Russian’. For this politics, the problem is Russian imperialism, not imperialism in general. Ukraine’s dependency on the West tends not to be problematized at all.

Ukrainians, then, should be accepted as an organic and indispensable part of the civilized Western world. Indeed, Ukrainians turn out to be not just the same as Westerners, but even better than them. Defending the frontier of Western civilization, dying and suffering for Western values, Ukrainians are more Western than those who live in the West.footnote9 However, if Ukrainians are valued primarily for being on the front line of the war with Russia, what positive contribution might the country make, beyond being more consistently anti-Russian? Is it only about recognition withi the same unchallenged Western structures, trying to be more of the same? Is there anything else, besides occasionally beating Russia on the battlefield? There are hints to be gleaned from both directions: the West looking at Ukraine and Ukrainians looking at the West. Notably, they talk about different things. The Western gaze on Ukrainian politics usually takes a dichotomizing form. The bad aspects, when they are not perceived as a direct result of Russia’s malicious influence, mostly derive from the local elites and ‘corruption’. The good sides come from Ukraine’s civil society, which (surprise!) is usually strongly supportive of ‘the West’ while often being generously supported by Western donors and, of course, contributing to Western self-esteem.
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Meanwhile, Ukrainian politics carries on in the background, shutting down opposition parties, monopolizing television broadcasts, vigilantism that typically goes unpunished, expanding databases of ‘traitors’—some funded by us donors—and attacks on those dissenting from the patriotic consensus. Are we really now in a position to give lessons on democracy and civic activism? Some Ukrainian oligarchs have been weakened, as rockets, drones and artillery rain down on their property, their tv stations broadcast government content and their loyal mps vote in unison with the pro-presidential party. But even if they don’t regain their power after the war, it seems much less likely that their place will be taken by the self-organized Ukrainian people than by transnational capital, Zelensky’s personalized regime and the thin gratin of ngo civil society.
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The call to see Ukraine as a paradigmatic case of the far-reaching global crisis requires a completely different perspective on the country itself. It means abandoning the typical post-Soviet teleological liberal-modernization story—which, in the guise of ‘decolonization’, requires us to interiorize a far inferior colonial position. Instead, we need to recognize that we could be proud of once being part of a universal movement. Ukraine was crucial to the greatest social revolution and modernization breakthrough in human history. Ukraine was where some of the most significant battles of the Second World War took place. Millions of Ukrainian civilians and soldiers in the Red Army contributed huge sacrifices to defeat Nazi Germany. Ukraine was a world-renowned centre of vanguardist art and culture. The mass murders and authoritarianism of the state-socialist regime are universally acknowledged; but to exploit them to depreciate the scale of Soviet achievements is to cast Ukrainian labour, blood and suffering as meaningless. Moreover, it allows Putin to continue instrumentalizing Soviet history not only for domestic but for global audiences, who watch the ongoing war not through the eyes of the Western elites but of those whom they have oppressed for centuries. We should claim our past in full to claim a better future. The narrow ‘decolonization’ agenda, reduced to anti-Russian and anti-communist identity politics, only makes it more difficult to voice a universally relevant perspective on Ukraine, no matter how many Ukrainians would sympathize with it.

Iščenko poslovično odličan!

Bleeding Blitva wrote:Iščenko poslovično odličan!

+1

News tomorrow - Russia has nuclear weapons.

Zanimljivo kratko predavanje, preispituje Putinove motive odbacujući realistični tejk.

The Russian military invaded Ukraine on February 24, 2022. Why is Ukraine strategically important to Russia and the West? What are the global implications of this attack? Join Stanford Professor Michael McFaul, who served as the U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation from 2012-2014, for an in-depth look at the invasion of Ukraine and the policy choices facing the United States, NATO, and their allies.

Michael McFaul, ’86, MA ’86, is the director of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, the Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of international studies and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the Freeman Spogli Institute and the Woods Institute. Professor McFaul served the Obama administration as Special Assistant to the President, Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council at the White House, and as the U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation. He has written and edited several books on international relations and foreign policy, and his op-ed writings have been featured in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post. His latest book is From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin's Russia. In 2019, Professor McFaul received The Richard W. Lyman Award for exceptional volunteer service to alumni at Stanford.

jutros novogodišnji vatromet i u Ukrajini i u Rusiji, Rusi ispalili preko 120 raketa na Ukrajinu, a ovi gađali Brajansk, Belgorod i Engels (opet)

Tamo je trazio oruzje

А овде паре?

Za pare - kravata.

Rat, homogenizacija, izgradnja nacije kao kovanje gvožđa u vatri (važi za obe zemlje btw) itd

What a thread by the official account of the Ukrainian parliament on Bandera’s birthday, complete with commander-in-chief Zaluzhny’s photo and the quote about the ultimate goal of Ukrainian nationalism - to destroy Russia. https://t.co/e2y3Yjswf2

— Leonid ХВ Ragozin (@leonidragozin) January 2, 2023

Dva elementa

Prvo, Rusi govore da.Ukrajina ne postoji kao nacija. Oko za.oko momenat.

Drugi je onaj identitetski gradjanski rat: da, ultimatiivna pobeda Ukrajine (koja se naravno nece desiti, pogotovu ne za par godina) je raspad RF i da se onda Ukrajina zapravo zove "Rus".

A New Year’s Day attack on a complex in the Russian-controlled Ukrainian city of Makiivka killed scores of recently mobilised troops sent by Moscow, according to reports on both sides, in what could be one of the deadliest know incidents involving Russian conscripts so far.
Without claiming the strike, Ukraine’s military command announced up to 400 Russian soldiers were killed in the incident in Makiivka, a city in the Moscow-controlled parts of the Donetsk region.

Pro-Russian authorities late on Sunday acknowledged that there were casualties, but did not comment on the Ukrainian figures.
Daniil Bezsonov, a senior Moscow proxy official in the Russian-occupied Donetsk region, said a Ukrainian missile had struck a vocational school in Makiivka that housed soldiers, two minutes after midnight on New Year’s Day.

“A massive blow was dealt to the vocational school from American MLRS Himars,” Bezsonov wrote in a post on the Telegram messaging app, referring to US-provided missiles. “There were dead and wounded; the exact number is still unknown.”
Photographs circulating on social media show what appears to be the ruins of the building in Makiivka used by the Russian army as barracks.
The Guardian was not able to independently verify the reports.
A number of prominent Russian pro-war bloggers and commentators acknowledged the attack, suggesting that the number of casualties was in the hundreds.
“In terms of the number of victims, there are still no final figures, since many people are listed as missing (remained under the rubble). In any case, there are many hundreds dead and wounded,” Igor Strelkov, a Russian ultra-nationalist commentator and former intelligence officer, wrote on Telegram.

Vilmos Tehenészfiú wrote:

News today about possible Ukraine peace talks. @ZelenskyyUa 10 point formula should be the start. Restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity, withdrawal of Russian troops, release of all prisoners, war crimes tribunal for Russian crimes, security guarantees for Ukraine. pic.twitter.com/DmtphX98EN

— John Spencer (@SpencerGuard) December 27, 2022

možda par felacija da se doda na spisak? čini mi se da upadljivo hvali...

Cousin Billy wrote:

A New Year’s Day attack on a complex in the Russian-controlled Ukrainian city of Makiivka killed scores of recently mobilised troops sent by Moscow, according to reports on both sides, in what could be one of the deadliest know incidents involving Russian conscripts so far.
Without claiming the strike, Ukraine’s military command announced up to 400 Russian soldiers were killed in the incident in Makiivka, a city in the Moscow-controlled parts of the Donetsk region.

Pro-Russian authorities late on Sunday acknowledged that there were casualties, but did not comment on the Ukrainian figures.
Daniil Bezsonov, a senior Moscow proxy official in the Russian-occupied Donetsk region, said a Ukrainian missile had struck a vocational school in Makiivka that housed soldiers, two minutes after midnight on New Year’s Day.

“A massive blow was dealt to the vocational school from American MLRS Himars,” Bezsonov wrote in a post on the Telegram messaging app, referring to US-provided missiles. “There were dead and wounded; the exact number is still unknown.”
Photographs circulating on social media show what appears to be the ruins of the building in Makiivka used by the Russian army as barracks.
The Guardian was not able to independently verify the reports.
A number of prominent Russian pro-war bloggers and commentators acknowledged the attack, suggesting that the number of casualties was in the hundreds.
“In terms of the number of victims, there are still no final figures, since many people are listed as missing (remained under the rubble). In any case, there are many hundreds dead and wounded,” Igor Strelkov, a Russian ultra-nationalist commentator and former intelligence officer, wrote on Telegram.

Prevelike su ovo brojke, teško da su istinite, sumnjivo je da li se kompletan događaj uopšte desio jer su vijesti o tome počele da se pojavljuju tek desetak i više sati od navedenog momenta navodnog napada. Priču je pokrenula već ustaljena dreka ruskih vojnih blogera koji posebno vole da drame i da preuveličavaju broj poginulih i značaj pojedinih događaja koji i nisu toliko bitni u široj slici, npr. ukrajinska ofaniziva kod Harkova ili prepuštanje Hersona. Ko zna koliko su puta Rusi poklopili masovne koncentracije ukrajinske armije i ubili u sekundi na stotine njihovih vojnika ali to zna samo ukrajinska i NATO komanda i oni koje progutao ruski raketni mrak. Rusi bi trebalo od njih da uče kako se kontrolišu vijesti a ne da dopuštaju da svako nakačen na internet prenosi šta mu je volja. Treba pažljivije slušati i šta priča Konašenko, on je nekoliko puta pominjao kako su uspjeli da pogode ukrajinske kasarne ali malo ko vjeruje u to jer na ukrajinskoj strani nema blogera koji će da udare u kuknjavu kad se tako nešto desi. Uostalo, već se pojavljuju i vijesti kod objektivnih vojenkora i blogera koji tvrde da se ništa posebnom nije desilo u Makejevci, pogođenma je neka škola i povrijeđeno je petnaest ljudi, te brojke je navela i služba informisanja DNR i mislim da je to najbliže istini.



Bez zajebancije, Prigožin je nakon što je podijelio mandarine zarobljenim ukrajinskim vojnicima, priredio pravu nekrofisku posjetu frontu. Obilazio groblja i mrtvačnice (neki podrumi zadnji put obojeni u sovjetska vremana nakrcani vrećama sa tijelima poginulih) nadgledao utovar i transport, na kraju ih, kako sam reče, ispratio kući.

Cousin Billy wrote:

A New Year’s Day attack on a complex in the Russian-controlled Ukrainian city of Makiivka killed scores of recently mobilised troops sent by Moscow, according to reports on both sides, in what could be one of the deadliest know incidents involving Russian conscripts so far.
Without claiming the strike, Ukraine’s military command announced up to 400 Russian soldiers were killed in the incident in Makiivka, a city in the Moscow-controlled parts of the Donetsk region.

Pro-Russian authorities late on Sunday acknowledged that there were casualties, but did not comment on the Ukrainian figures.
Daniil Bezsonov, a senior Moscow proxy official in the Russian-occupied Donetsk region, said a Ukrainian missile had struck a vocational school in Makiivka that housed soldiers, two minutes after midnight on New Year’s Day.

“A massive blow was dealt to the vocational school from American MLRS Himars,” Bezsonov wrote in a post on the Telegram messaging app, referring to US-provided missiles. “There were dead and wounded; the exact number is still unknown.”
Photographs circulating on social media show what appears to be the ruins of the building in Makiivka used by the Russian army as barracks.
The Guardian was not able to independently verify the reports.
A number of prominent Russian pro-war bloggers and commentators acknowledged the attack, suggesting that the number of casualties was in the hundreds.
“In terms of the number of victims, there are still no final figures, since many people are listed as missing (remained under the rubble). In any case, there are many hundreds dead and wounded,” Igor Strelkov, a Russian ultra-nationalist commentator and former intelligence officer, wrote on Telegram.

Ruski TG Ribar:


В 00.01 1 января 2023 года по зданию ПТУ в донецкой Макеевке был нанесен удар из РСЗО HIMARS (два снаряда перехвачены ПВО, четыре достигли цели). С середины декабря В ПТУ разместили 14444 полк. Да, все они были мобилизованными. Там же по чьей-то преступной наивности решили разместить склад с боекомплектом, который в результате удара сдетонировал. 

По нашей информации, всего в здании было около 600 человек.

Погибших подтверждённых — порядка 70 человек. Разбор завалов продолжается. Оценочно безвозвратные потери достигают 110 человек.

Раненых свыше 100 человек (согласно данным Оперативных сводок 136).

Утрачены документы и средства связи, нарушено управление.

Мобилизованные утверждают, что ответственность лежит на командире полка полковнике Романе Еникееве. Мы с ними частично не согласны: вина полковника только в том, что он слепо выполнял указания вышестоящего начальства и не смог добиться расселения вверенной ему части в соответствии с реалиями фронта.
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https://t.me/rybar/42442

Jeste da mnogi ruski TG kanali deluju kao nekakva grupa za interni pritisak.

Ово је једна погибија само таква, услед дебилане. 
Њих 200-300 је спавало у школи, а у подруму школе су складиштили гранате за читаву дивизију. 
Та школа је била логистички чвор за цео сегмент фронта, и довољан је један салво да то све дигне у ваздух у катаклизмичном облаку. 

Ово је последица лењости - нема шатора, нема грејања, па су решили да се 200-300 људи набије у једну школу. Ако је и погинуло 70, а рањено 100 - то је опет огроман губитак и то углавном мобилисаних. 

Нека размисле ти мобилисани где иду и зашто иду, нека ставе мало прст на чело.

63 Russian soldiers were killed as a result of an attack in the area of ​​temporarily occupied Makiivka, the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation said.