24 sata Vučić

See if you can figure out the nonverbal of discomfort- All seven of them https://t.co/mJLC0wbWAZ

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 28, 2021

In case you missed it, this is the video we are analyzing for signs of psychological discomfort - pic.twitter.com/GY9bpc7oe7

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 29, 2021

As promised here are the nonverbals of discomfort- and yes there are more than seven pic.twitter.com/HqQIi6yXws

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 29, 2021

Since 2003, Navarro has been a consultant to the State Departments and is a fellow with the Institute for Intergovernmental Research.

Džo Navaro za Danas: Nisam znao ko je Vučić kad sam analizirao snimak https://t.co/HKSYrgY5N6

— Jasmina Lukač (@Spasa7) July 29, 2021

Predsednik Srbije Aleksandar Vučić rekao je danas da nije znao da se FBI bavi njegovom neverbalnom komunikacijom prema novinarki N1 Žaklini Tatalović, te da ima grč na licu otkako je video na svojoj inauguraciji.

„Ako pogledate snimak, nikakav loš izraz lica nisam imao. Moram da priznam – nisam lep čovek, nikad nisam ni pomislio da jesam, a kamoli da sam to izgovorio. Imam problem s facijalisom od trenutka kad sam ugledao Žaklinu Tatalović i Suzanu Vasiljević kad su došle doterane na moju inauguraciji gde je ona bila najradosnija, i taj grč je ostao do dana današnjeg“, rekao je Vučić.

My pleasure, now the question is why all the psychological discomfort?

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 29, 2021

Who is he?

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 29, 2021

Are you serious? One of my students sent this to me and did not tell me what it is about.

— Joe Navarro (@navarrotells) July 29, 2021

Balkans: Gangs at the heart of a state system
 
Rémy Ourdan

Serbian and Montenegrin groups have been involved in drug trafficking from South America, becoming key players in organized crime in Europe. This rise in power was done in conjunction with the government, before a deadly clan war broke out.
The reasons for the outburst of violence in recent years between bandits in Serbia and Montenegro remain mysterious at times. Shootings in cafes, car explosions, dead bodies found in the streets of Belgrade, Kotor or Podgorica, not to mention an unknown number of missing persons: seven years of gang "war", assassinations and revenge have left at least fifty dead.
The main triggers are known, however, both of which occurred in 2014. On the one hand, the disappearance of at least 200 kilos of cocaine in the Spanish port of Valencia apparently began to divide the cartel led by Darko Saric and marked the outbreak of the "Kotor war" between two rival gangs, the Skaljari clan and the Kavac clan. On the other hand, the arrest of Saric himself would have opened a war of succession between his most loyal followers - who run his empire while he is in prison - and ambitious people dreaming of more autonomy and the profits that come with it.
The gang war gained further momentum two years later, in 2016, after the murder of Aleksandar Stankovic, known as "Dirty Mutavi" ("Dirty Mute"), the leader of the Janjicari ("Janissaries") gang, formed by ultrasupporters of Belgrade soccer club Partizan. Traditionally, in Serbia, ultras groups are a breeding ground for the underworld, as they were for paramilitary militias during the wars of the 1990s.
The icon of this parallel world was Zeljko Raznatovic, known as "Arkan", during the reign of President and warlord Slobodan Milosevic (1989-2000). He was the leader of the supporters of Red Star, Belgrade's other soccer club, and later of Arkan's Tigers, a paramilitary group that operated under orders from the Serbian secret police. Arkan, indicted like Milosevic for crimes against humanity by the international justice system, was assassinated at the Intercontinental Hotel in Belgrade, shortly before the fall of the Serbian president, by a killer with a bandit's gun in one hand and a police badge in the other.
Since the fall of communism and the wars in the former Yugoslavia, the Balkan mafias have grown so much that they are now considered a major player in international organized crime. Serbian, Montenegrin and Albanian gangs, which began to thrive three decades ago on arms and cigarette trafficking, are now at the heart of the flow of South American cocaine into Europe. They also deal in heroin and produce marijuana and synthetic drugs. Their profits are such that they have taken over large parts of the legal economy.
 
Legacy of the Yugoslav secret police
 
If the criminals of Albania initially drew their influence from links with the Italian mafias, those of Serbia and Montenegro had an original asset, which is perhaps only found at this level in Russia: their close link with the state. This link was forged during the communist era by the Yugoslav secret police and strengthened during the wars by Milosevic's special services. Experts even wonder whether Serbia and Montenegro can be called "mafia states" and, given the financial power acquired by the world of organized crime, whether it is still the criminals who are at the service of the state, or whether it is now these two states that are at the service of the criminals.
In Serbia, there are three different periods. "Milosevic was the godfather of criminals and paramilitaries. Then, in 2000, [Prime Minister Zoran] Djindjic tried to start dealing with the problem, so they assassinated him [in 2003]," says Vuk Cvijic, an investigator for Nin magazine. Under the Democratic Party's rule, between 2000 and 2012, "even though there was still corruption, there was no longer a direct link between the Serbian government and organized crime," the journalist believes. Two major police operations took place during that time, in conjunction with Interpol and foreign police services: operation "Sabre" against the Zemun clan and Djindjic's killers (2003), and operation "Balkan Warrior" against Darko Saric's cartel (2009).
Today, under [President Aleksandar] Vucic, the state and the mafia are cooperating again to such an extent that there is no clear difference between the two," says Vuk Cvijic. One might even wonder if the mafia has become stronger than the state.
In Montenegro, the story is different because the same man, Milo Djukanovic, has been in power since the fall of communism in 1991. "Djukanovic is the boss. All Montenegrin clans have the same employer: the country's president," accuses Jovo Martinovic, a famous journalist who has been investigating organized crime for twenty years. The difference with Latin America is that Pablo Escobar was a bandit acting against the state. In Montenegro, Pablo is president..."
The close relationship between the political powers and organized crime is obviously difficult to prove because, even if some investigations sometimes go back to a minister or a businessman, "the organic link historically goes through the secret services," notes a European diplomat with long-standing knowledge of the inner workings of the Serbian and Montenegrin powers. "The trafficking is orchestrated by the governments of Serbia and Montenegro. Many criminals have secret service or police badges. The two presidents work together and have common interests," says Jovo Martinovic.
Experts also point to the role, alongside each president, of a brother dedicated to managing the family business. Andrej Vucic, in Belgrade, and Aco Djukanovic, in Podgorica, play a pivotal role on the border between politics, business and dirty money. Drugs are one thing," says the diplomat. But a Djukanovic has probably built his fortune more on privatizations than on trafficking. His brother Aco is a billionaire.
No one on the international scene knows how to deal with the issue of organized crime in Serbia and Montenegro," says Stevan Dojcinovic, an investigator for the Serbian investigative website Krik, "because no one understands the core of the problem: it's not a problem of corruption of individuals, it's a state system. This was already the case during Milosevic's time, and it continues with Vucic and Djukanovic. It is a state operation that is difficult to prove.
The Italian justice system, which has tried on several occasions to shed light on the relationship between politicians and criminals in the Balkans, particularly with Milo Djukanovic in cases concerning its own Mafias, has broken its teeth. Other European courts have never gone beyond the notorious traffickers. Those who have been investigating organized crime in the former Yugoslavia for a long time believe that, since these cases concern state secret services, other intelligence services, American and European, protect them in exchange for information, or even as a result of political agreements.
 
Chaotic galaxy
 
"The West is trying to bring Serbia to Europe, while Aleksandar Vucic has close relations with Moscow and cordial relations with Beijing. And Milo Djukanovic is historically and sincerely the most pro-Western, pro-European Union and pro-NATO leader in the region," analyses a European diplomat. In the name of geopolitics, we turn a blind eye to the illicit activities of these otherwise fragile states."
Beyond the very opaque question of the involvement of the secret services in criminal affairs, understanding the arcana of gangs is not an easy task for investigators. "Balkan organized crime has never had an Italian-style mafia, with a capo di tutti capi. They are independent cells, which evolve quickly, within groups that themselves divide and recompose. There are about 300 criminal groups in the Balkans," describes Stevan Dojcinovic. "There is no Balkan cartel, it is a cooperation between gangs, whose main task is to bring cocaine from Latin America to Europe," confirms Sasa Djordjevic, from the Belgrade office of Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, an independent organization based in Geneva.
In Serbia, after the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and the "Sabre" operation, the Serbian trafficker of Montenegrin origin Darko Saric was the only one who managed to unify this chaotic galaxy somewhat. Saric was considered the most powerful drug lord these countries have seen in thirty years. In prison since 2014, he was sentenced to fifteen years for drug trafficking in 2018, and then to nine years for money laundering in 2020, with these sentences still undergoing annulment or appeal procedures. Meanwhile, on the Adriatic coast, the patriarch of Montenegrin traffickers, Branislav Micunovic, has established himself as a powerful coordinator between the clans that oversee the arrival of cocaine. He is aging peacefully in Budva, living on the top floor of his hotel-casino, the Splendid.
Darko Saric's reign was a blessed time for criminals, despite the hostility of the Belgrade authorities at the time. "Some Balkan groups have risen through the ranks over the past two decades, from small-time thugs and couriers to major drug distributors," noted the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime in its 2020 report "Transnational Tentacles. Balkan groups have become key players in organized crime in Europe, Turkey, Latin America, and as far away as South Africa and Australia. For South American cocaine, they operate mainly from Colombia and Ecuador, as well as Uruguay, Peru and Brazil. For the arrival of drugs, they are present on the Spanish, Italian, Greek, Albanian and Montenegrin coasts.
A video illustrates this relatively peaceful time, before a gang war shattered the fragile balance between criminal organizations. The video of the wedding of Safet Kalic, a Montenegrin gang leader from Rozaje, shows all the Balkan crime leaders, including Darko Saric, kissing and feasting. The video, posted on the Internet in 2010, caused a scandal because it also showed the presence at the party of Zoran Lazovic, who was then in charge of the fight against crime in the secret service under President Djukanovic, and Ljubisa Mijatovic, who would become his security chief. The president defended himself by claiming that they were on a mission to spy on the thugs, without convincing.
 
Politics, soccer and the underworld
 
After the Valencia affair and the arrest under American pressure of Darko Saric, who had become too powerful, the balance was broken and the "Kotor war" broke out. It opposed the clans of Skaljari and Kavac, named after two villages in the vicinity of the Montenegrin seaside resort. Kotor has carved out a place for itself in the world of drug trafficking based on its maritime culture. A young sailor from the area has no choice but to become a drug dealer.
In addition to a conflict between bandits over drug money, the experts' hypothesis is that the Skaljari clan grew too quickly in power after the arrest of Darko Saric and began to dream of a certain autonomy vis-à-vis the Serbian and Montenegrin secret services. Belgrade and Podgorica then favoured Kavac's clan, which was born of a split within Skaljari's clan. Kavac's men are known to have close relations with both hooligan groups linked to Vucic's networks in Serbia and with Djukanovic's secret police in Montenegro.
In Belgrade, it is clear that the police targeted the Skaljari clan in particular. Its then leader, Jovan Vukotic, was arrested in Turkey in 2018 at Serbia's request, extradited to Belgrade and tried for a trivial reason (the use of a fake passport). Members of Skaljari's clan hunted in Serbia have fled all over Europe, and some have been prosecuted and murdered in Spain, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands and Greece.
Although no one knows who murdered Aleksandar Stankovic, the head of the Janjicari, who was reputedly close to the Kavac clan, the disappearance of "Dirty the Silent" also led to a rearrangement within the Belgrade criminal world. All eyes were on the powerful Luka Bojovic, at the time head of the Zemun clan and close to the Skaljari clan. Since then, Stankovic has been replaced by Veljko Belivuk, known as "Velja Nevolja" ("Velja the Problem"), and Bojovic, incarcerated in Spain, has entrusted the leadership of the gang to Filip Korac, the man who has been on the rise in recent years in the Serbian underworld.
While the hand of Serbian power in this gang war is difficult to prove in court, the Janjicari, renamed the "Principi" (after Gavrilo Princip, the Serbian assassin of Austro-Hungarian Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914 in Sarajevo) by Belivuk, have gained in power since Aleksandar Vucic came to power in 2012. Janjicari protected Vucic's inauguration ceremony, and his son Danilo regularly appears in public with gang members.
A link between the state and the Principi was established, according to journalistic investigations, by Dijana Hrkalovic, an ex-secret police officer promoted by Aleksandar Vucic to state secretary in the Ministry of Interior until his resignation in 2019. Hrkalovic was a close associate of both the Janjicari leader and a senior gendarmerie officer, Nenad Vuckovic, known as "Vucko" ("the Wolf"), a member of the Partizan supporters' club and a close friend of the gang's successive leaders, "Dirty the Dumb" and "Velja the Problem". Hrkalovic, who describes President Vucic as "a man who surpasses all of us in his genius", has resigned and kept a low profile since the revelations of embarrassing stories.
One of those stories is the discovery of a 12-hectare field of 65,000 marijuana plants hidden behind tomato, cucumber and onion crops, a laboratory and 600 kilograms of drugs, as well as weapons and high-tech surveillance equipment on the organic farm in Jovanjica, Vojvodina. The owner of the farm, who was regularly visited by government officials, had a fake police badge and license plates provided by officers working for Dijana Hrkalovic.
Another case was the revelation that "the Wolf" was discreetly using a police shooting club to train with the heads of the Janjicari, Stankovic and Belivuk, as well as Novak Nedic, the Secretary General of the Vucic government.
The Serbian president, Aleksandar Vucic, is familiar with the world of politics, soccer and the underworld. As a young man, he was a supporter of Red Star during Arkan's time. He was involved in politics with Vojislav Seselj, the leader of the Serbian far right and of a paramilitary militia similar to Arkan's, and was a minister under Milosevic. Today, he seems to be using Partizan's ultras, as the club is traditionally close to the secret police because it belongs to the state.
However, two new developments have occurred this year in the Serbian-Montenegrin criminal world. In Belgrade, the police arrested Veljko Belivuk and about twenty Janjicari in February, to the surprise of everyone. Justice accuses "Velja the Problem" of murder, kidnapping, extortion and drug trafficking. Since his arrest, media close to the government have been relaying the testimonies of the families of the missing victims of the gang. "We still don't know why the state decided to put an end to this criminal group after years of protection," says Stevan Dojcinovic. In addition to the discovery of a place of execution in a house in Ritopek, in the suburbs of Belgrade, one hypothesis, according to an expert, is that "Belivuk's group, which was at the service of the state, went too far in the racketeering of businessmen close to the government.
 
The deadly potion of "Doctor Death"
 
In Montenegro, it was Slobodan Kascelan, the head of the Kavac clan, who was arrested in April. There, the turnaround has a rational explanation: since President Djukanovic's party lost the 2020 legislative elections, the dinosaur of Montenegrin politics finds himself in a situation of cohabitation with a government that is hostile to him, even if he retains influence over the secret services and the judiciary. "The state no longer controls organized crime. Djukanovic no longer has full power," says Vanja Calovic Markovic, director of the National Anti-Corruption Council.
Kascelan was arrested on the orders of Dritan Abazovic, the deputy prime minister who coordinates the security services. The young and courageous Abazovic revealed that, in the wake of the change of government, Kavac's clan offered him a meeting through relatives of the patriarch of the traffickers, Branislav Micunovic. When he refused, a message reached him: "We will see each other, one way or another..."
Shortly afterwards, an assassination attempt was foiled thanks to wiretaps that revealed a plan to use a sniper, as was done with Zoran Djindjic in Belgrade almost two decades ago. Dritan Abazovic said he was "ready to pay any price to defeat organized crime. Among other things, he dismissed Zoran Lazovic, the director of the police department for fighting organized crime, the man who appeared in the video of the Kalics' wedding, long considered, according to a source close to the government, to be "the link between the state and organized crime" in Montenegro.
The relationship between the men in power and the underworld sometimes takes a strange turn. An old story still makes people in Belgrade howl with laughter - or cry with rage, depending on who you talk to. About 20 years ago, a small-time thug named Veselin Bozovic was shot with a Kalashnikov in a street in the Serbian capital. He was still alive when he arrived at the hospital, as the gunman's bullets had not hit any vital organs. His wife, son and two passers-by, also hit, also survived their injuries. A miracle.
But Dr. Zlatibor Loncar, who was off duty that day, suddenly showed up in the hospital's emergency room. An hour later, Bozovic was dead. The police investigation proved that Dr. Loncar had injected him with a lethal potion. "He told us, 'I'm going to finish him off...'," testified a repentant criminal. The doctor was given an apartment ten days later as payment for his services. He refuted the charges and was never prosecuted, due to lack of evidence, according to police.
Dr. Loncar was in fact working for the Zemun clan, at the time the most powerful in Serbia. Then the man whom the Serbian tabloids nicknamed "Doctor Death" became a faithful of President Aleksandar Vucic. Today, he is the Minister of Health.

Mór Thököly wrote:Beograd (Srbija) je Mordor regiona.

disident wrote:

Mór Thököly wrote:Beograd (Srbija) je Mordor regiona.

Korumpiramo EU iznutra ko Avganistan SSSR

Povodom tvrdnji grupe Veljka Belivuka i pojedinih političara, potpredsednik GO SNS Miloš Vučević podnosi krivičnu prijavu protiv predsednika Aleksandra Vučića.