EU - what's next?

Del Cap wrote:Kad sam zadnji put listao spisak međunarodnih aktera koji primarno i dominantno vode "principijelne i ideološke politike" gledao sam u prazan papir..

“If they [@EU_Commission] start the third world war, we are going to defend our rights with any weapons which are at our disposal,” @MorawieckiM said when asked if #Poland could veto critical decisions on legislation such as the EU’s landmark climate package. https://t.co/J5xtJPMDKt

— Katalin Halmai (@eublogo) October 24, 2021

Energetska kriza koja je ove jeseni izbila u Europi i svijetu navela je države na preispitivanje zadrške prema nuklearnim elektranama. Planovi o njihovoj gradnji, koji su proteklih godina u mnogim zemljama napušteni zbog straha od mogućih katastrofa poput one u japanskoj Fukushimi, ovih se dana ponovno vade iz ladica.
​Štoviše, državne agencije, istraživački instituti i energetske kompanije naglo ubrzavaju razvoj novih tipova nuklearki koje bi trebale biti jeftinije i sigurnije za okoliš. Nuklearke se posvuda vraćaju na velika vrata, a njihova renesansa moguća je i u Europi, pišu brojni mediji u svijetu dok gospodarstvo potresaju nestašice energije, uz dramatična poskupljenja nafte, plina, ugljena.
Zagovornici nuklearki traže njihovu veću upotrebu kao dopunu energiji iz vjetra, sunca i geotermalnih izvora, koji su uglavnom nestabilni jer ovise o vremenskim (ne)prilikama. S druge strane, struja iz nuklearki teče u svako doba, pa se pokazuju kao nezaobilazan izvor čiste energije dok Europa i svijet u borbi protiv klimatskih promjena napuštaju fosilna goriva.
Međutim, u ovom trenutku teško je reći hoće li nuklearke, u kojima Europska unija trenutačno proizvodi 26 posto električne energije, postati poželjni ishod iz energetske krize i hoće li na europskoj razini dobiti zeleno svjetlo.
Dok je Francuska na čelu s predsjednikom Emmanuelom Macronom postala najveći pobornik gradnje nuklearki, iz kojih trenutačno dobiva 75 posto struje, njima se žestoko protivi Njemačka. Nakon katastrofe u Fukushimi 2011. godine službeni je Berlin odlučio do kraja 2022. zatvoriti sve svoje nuklearne elektrane, zbog sigurnosnih rizika.
Berlin tu nije osamljen, jer su zabrani nuklearki sklone i Austrija, Danska, Španjolska te Luksemburg – uz brojne građanske udruge među kojima i Greenpeace.
Štoviše, te su zemlje na čelu s Njemačkom u proljeće ove godine također pisale Europskoj komisiji, tražeći da nuklearkama ni u kojem slučaju ne da zeleno svjetlo, odnosno da ih ne uvrsti u katalog prihvatljivih »zelenih« investicija.
Sukob između zagovornika i protivnika nuklearki među članicama EU-a ove se jeseni rasplamsava, a Europska komisija, koja do kraja ove godine treba presjeći taj spor, nalazi se na sto muka.
Podsjetimo, Europska komisija treba uskoro završiti katalog investicija (taxonomy) koje se uklapaju u ambiciozne europske planove o postizanju klimatske neutralnosti.
Kao prihvatljive investicije Komisija je dosad odredila energiju sunca, vjetra i onu iz geotermalnih izvora, a na pritisak nekih zemalja u popis je naknadno uvrstila i plin, kao premosnicu u prijelazu na čistu energiju, jer atmosferu zagađuje upola manje od ugljena i nafte.
....Primjerice, ove godine je proizvodnja struje iz vjetroelelektrana u Europi smanjena oko 15 posto, jer vjetra nije bilo dovoljno. Nuklearke pak nemaju problema s vremenskim prilikama.

Europe’s war over sovereignty is just beginning
The transformation of Michel Barnier into a nationalist is a warning sign for the EU

GIDEON RACHMAN

Whatever happened to Michel Barnier? As the head of the EU negotiating team on Brexit, the patrician Frenchman became famous for his insistence that the EU must never deviate from its core principles — including the supremacy of European law and the free movement of people.

Now Brexit is done and Barnier has moved on. He is running for the presidency of France and has adopted many of the ideas he once rejected. Supremacy of EU law? Barnier now has his doubts. Immigration? Barnier is calling for a moratorium of up to five years. The European ideal? Barnier warns that Germany has become too powerful within the EU.

One possible explanation for this curious volte face is that the former EU commissioner has reflected deeply on the Brexit negotiations and decided that the Brexiters had a point. An alternative theory is that Barnier has reflected deeply on his own ambition to be president of France — and has decided that the shortest route to power involves a sharp right turn, followed by a swift reversal over his own principles.

It is possible that a really good lawyer could make the statements of the two Barniers sound consistent. His current demand for a moratorium on immigration, for example, applies only to arrivals from outside the EU. But one of his former close colleagues in Brussels tells me: “What he is saying now, for example on the European Convention on Human Rights, is clearly different from what he was saying during the Brexit negotiations.”

The Barnier story is about more than the cynicism of one man. It says something important about politics in Europe. The backlash against Brussels is not confined to France. In different forms, it is cropping up all over the EU — from Warsaw to Budapest to the German constitutional court in Karlsruhe. The supremacy of EU law, a principle established in the 1960s that is fundamental to the European project, is increasingly under challenge.

One key reason for these challenges is that the EU has expanded its powers into policy areas that used to be at the heart of the nation state: borders, budgets, currency and civil rights. As a result, many politicians chafe at having to accept European legal supremacy on subjects, such as immigration, that are deeply controversial at home. This problem is compounded by the fact that the EU club now has 27 members — making it harder to agree on a common rule book that suits everyone.

Over the past 20 years, the EU has been engaged in a rolling argument over where sovereignty and power is best located: Brussels or the nation-states? This was an issue when French and Dutch voters rejected a proposed EU constitution (championed by Barnier) in 2005 because it was too integrationist. The power of the EU to demand change in a nation state was also controversial throughout the Greek debt crisis.

Sovereignty was the central issue in the Brexit campaign in Britain in 2016 — highlighted by the Leave campaign’s winning slogan: “Take back control”. Control of borders, a crucial issue for the Brexiters, has also been central to the arguments of Eurosceptics in Hungary, Poland and France.

The fact that Brexit is widely perceived as a failing project means that no other countries are currently considering leaving the EU. But the question of the powers of Brussels and the supremacy of EU law are popping up in other guises. In 2020, the German constitutional court ruled that the European Central Bank’s policy of buying the bonds of EU nations was illegal, suggesting that German judges could over-rule their European counterparts. Although Karlsruhe eventually backed off (as it tends to), its ruling encouraged the Eurosceptic governments in Poland and Hungary.

The Polish constitutional court — at the prompting of the government in Warsaw — recently ruled that Poland’s constitution outranks EU law. Unlike the Germans, the Poles were willing to escalate the conflict into an outright confrontation with Brussels.

The case is complicated by the fact that the Polish government is, in many respects, acting in bad faith. The ultra-conservative Law and Justice party has packed the court with its own loyalists — something that Brussels regards as a threat to the rule-of-law in Poland. The issues of the primacy of EU law and of the independence of the Polish judiciary have become intermingled — although, logically, they are distinct questions.

With Brussels currently threatening to cut off the flow of funds to Warsaw, there is a strong chance that the European Commission and the Polish government will eventually compromise. But, as the French election illustrates, the broader question of whether too much power now resides in Brussels will come up in other guises.

Previously it has always been assumed that power struggles between Brussels and member states would generally be resolved in favour of Brussels. “Ever closer union” seemed inevitable.

The strategic and economic arguments for deeper European integration remain powerful. But the politics look less and less favourable. Eurosceptic revolts in Britain and Poland are one thing. But when Barnier, the epitome of the “good European”, turns into a nationalist the political ground is clearly shifting. The next constitutional settlement in the EU may favour nations, not Brussels.

Kurc se povukao, a austrijski kancelar već najavio ostavku

Austrijski kancelar Aleksander Šalenberg najavio je da će podneti ostavku kada se njegova konzervatina Narodna partija složi oko sledećeg lidera, prenose svetski mediji.

Bivši austrijski kancelar Sebastijan Kurc najavio je ranije danas da se povlači iz politike, a njegov naslednik Aleksander Šalenberg takođe je najavio ostavku, prenosi Dojče vele.

Kurc je najavio da se potpuno povlači iz politike, posle dva mandata na toj funkciji, od decembra 2017. godine do maja 2019. godine, i od januara 2020. godine do oktobra 2021. godine.

Kasnije danas, Šalenberg koji je preuzeo dužnost kancelara pošto se Kurc povukao sa te funkcije, najavio je nameru da se povuče.

„Čvrsto verujem da obe pozicije – šefa vlade i lidera austrijske partije koja ima najveći broj glasova – treba da još jednom pripadnu istoj osobi“, naveo je Šalenberg u izjavi za javnost.

Šalenberg (52) je plemićkog porekla, ima četvoro dece i govori pet jezika. Odrastao je kao sin diplomate u Indiji, Španiji Francuskoj, a kasnije je studirao pravo. Pet godina je vodio pravno odeljenje austrijskog predstavništva EU u Briselu.

Kada se potom vratio u Austriju Šalenberg je postao portparol Ministarstva spoljnih poslova na čijem čelu je mladi Sebastijan Kurc, koji ga čini „šefom strateškog planiranja spoljne politike“. Kurc će Šalenberga 2017. nakratko odvesti u ured kancelara, gde će voditi odeljenje za strategiju i planiranje.

Svoj sledeći skok u karijeri Šalenberg duguje takozvanom Ibica skandalu. Nakon pada vlade OVP-FPO, Šalenberg postaje ministar spoljnih poslova u prelaznoj vladi savezne kancelarke Brigite Birlajn. On će to ostati i nakon ponovne pobede Kurca na izborima u jesen 2019.

fikret selimbašić wrote:Da li je ovo plejbek ili mi se čini?

Turul madár wrote:

fikret selimbašić wrote:Da li je ovo plejbek ili mi se čini?

pa kad su lu bege, boni emovi i slični pevali live, nikad

EUROPEAN ENERGY CRISIS: Day-ahead electricity prices across much of Europe set fresh and frightening record highs. Germany jumps to an incredible €431 per MWh. At current prices, energy-intensive industries will rather shut down and re-sell their power on the spot market pic.twitter.com/GZFaxLEJei

— Javier Blas (@JavierBlas) December 20, 2021

Gazprom has not booked any additional capacities for Mallnow pipeline which comes from Yamal and goes trough Belarus. pic.twitter.com/XymJp6PNHd

— Sir Of Finance (@SirOfFinance) December 20, 2021

And, now, prepare to be amazed … 🪄
France at 645€ … pic.twitter.com/WLOj4ZuL4L

— Toniologique (@Tonio_Logique) December 20, 2021

EUROPEAN ENERGY CRISIS (3): Forward prices for calendar 2022 and, crucially, winter 2022-23 show traders are betting a long-lasting crisis. TTF nat gas winter 22-23 has risen today above €100 per MWh for the first time ever. Three months ago, Winter 22-23 traded at €30 per MWh

— Javier Blas (@JavierBlas) December 21, 2021

New decision: States may dissolve parties that do not distance themselves from former Communist parties. The dissolution was “necessay in a democratic society”, ECHR ruled.https://t.co/oHGJDra9n0 pic.twitter.com/fKA2CMGU7j

— News ECHR (@NewsEchr) December 21, 2021

Mór Thököly wrote:Jel se SPS distancirao dovoljno od SKS? Ja mislim da nije