Fašizam i desni ekstremizam ante portas

To Explain Fascism Today
Darko R. Suvin

Fascism is discussed as a pathology of masses under capitalism, and its components are
defined. It was a class block between rulers and segments of the middle classes while
neutralising the working classes and any deviant political forces by terror and
ideology. Ultra-nationalism is presented as its key element, and minimum
preconditions are identified. Economics and class regrouping, as well as profiting and
hegemony in fascist states are stressed. A section approaches clerical fascism, and
incidentally ‘Eastern Europe’. A brief Conclusion looks at current ’Fascism 2.0’. A
lengthy select chronological bibliography on fascism with annotations is appended.

Keywords: Fascism; Capitalism; Class Blocks; Ultra-nationalism; Profiting; Hegemony;
Clerical Fascism; Fascism 2.0



[...]
4. Inventory and Economics
4.1. Outline and Minimum Preconditions

Here are the findings so far in a skeleton outline:
- There is no fascism before acute economico-psychological crisis amid demographic
massification in capitalism, resulting in huge eruptions of intra-State and inter-State
political violence (e.g. fierce warfare) globalised by technological advances.
- There is no fascism without ‘[the] possessing classes generating nation-statist
values’ (Mann 358).
- There is no fascism without heightened class tensions, usually a result of economic
decadence, and a turning of ruling classes to heightened exploitation; in 1919–1945
this was accompanied by preventing the real or imaginary threat of communist
revolution. In this sense, fascism is the legitimate child of liberalism, killing the
father (Marcuse, Larsen, Paxton).
- There is no fascism without the pervasive and insistent atmosphere of paroxystic
violence and psychic shocks, fostered by capitalist impoverishment and acceleration
and transferred from wars into violent civil strife; there is no fascist State without a
flight forward to international warfare.
- There is no fascist movement without a financing of its propaganda and armed
militias by some capitalist or military segment(s); there is no fascist coming to
power without the connivance of both central and peripheral organs of the State
(police, judiciary, bureaucracy, etc.)
- There is no fascist State without a working people rendered politically impotent and
a ruling-class block determined to suppress countervailing forces hindering their
full rule.
- There is no fascism without an extreme stress on patriarchal male dominance,
aggressive virility, and a cult of youth demagogically used for generational conflict.
- There is no fascism without suppression of free and critical thought and ‘organicist’
hatred of working classes and egalitarianism.

Of course, there can be different cases of power regimes on the road from nonfascist
Right-wing absolutism towards fascism, which can be called budding fascist,
partly fascist or semi-fascist. More important, any working description pretends
only that, as a whole, it identifies what all fascists movements have in common, no
more and no less (cf. Payne 4 and passim).

Thus, while we allow for important differences between various nations, between
fascism as movement and ruling oligarchy, and so on, how can we find minimal sufficient
preconditions determining whether a movement or State is fascist, as a basis for
deciding which ones to include in our discussion? To my mind the preconditions are:
- expansive ultra-nationalism of the Nation-State as key and totalising, indisputable
ideology, using palingenetic (national rebirth) demagogy coupled with extreme
violence—internal thuggery and need for external war of conquest;
- full suppression of independent workers’ organisations, Left parties and thought;
the elimination of the working people as a political force and of all independent
politics in favour of State monopoly of politics; penal taboo on bourgeois and socialist
emancipatory achievements;
- State-wide economic organisation geared towards military power, leaving profits to
capitalists in exchange for power to fascists, with a partly renewed ruling class that
tends to grow into an immense bureaucratic apparatus.
[...]

https://fs03n5.sendspace.com/dl/fe4b9b489c5b5185cd45b54163452335/599484fa68ab0a64/nvoutz/suvin2017.pdf

Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini called for “little ethnic shops” to close by 9 p.m. as they “have become a meeting place for drug deals and people who raise hell.”

The leader of the far-right League added a proposal calling for the early closing time to an immigration and security decree that was unveiled in September. It includes plans to abolish protections for immigrants and make it easier for them to be deported.

Salvini said the proposal is “not an initiative that goes against foreign shops, but it is a way to limit the abuses of certain shops that have become havens for people who raise hell,” Italian news agency ANSA reported.

So does Australia have a neo-Nazi problem?

In short, yes. Look not on the streets but online. Nazism is thriving in the meme-rich world of the internet.
The 21st century's "Nazi 2.0" looks very different from its predecessor.

The goal these days is to shift mainstream political debate to the far-right around certain key ideas: white genocide, the importance of rejecting globalism, and establishing a white ethno-state. This process is called shifting the "Overton window" and is based on the idea that politics and policy can be deeply influenced by expanding what's acceptable to talk about publicly.

Here's an example of how it works. The plight of white farmers in South Africa was the basis for a series of rallies in Australia in early 2018. Conservative politicians and political contenders such as Avi Yemini (Australian Liberty Alliance candidate), Andrew Laming (Liberal), Fraser Anning (independent) jumped on the issue and called for special visas for the white farmers. In response, Minister Peter Dutton then asked Home Affairs to look into providing assistance, describing them as "the sort of migrants we want to bring into our country".

Suddenly the notions of "white minority under threat" and "white genocide" became part of everyday political discussion.

beatakeshi wrote:Šta je to beli nacionalizam?

„Kristalna noć”, “357”, „Beogradski sindikat”, „Direktori”, „Terror 88”, „Srbska čast”, „Krv i čast”, „Srbi za Srbe”, moto-klub „Hells angels“, navijači fudbalskog kluba “Rad”… – svima njima zajedničko je da pod maskom patriotizma šire nacionalizam, neonacizam, rasizam, homofobiju i druge oblike netrpeljivosti.Zajedničko im je i to da najčešće deluju tajno, pa čak i onda kad je u pitanju organizacija koncerata.
Pojedini iz ove grupe bendova i organizacija uspeli su da svoje nacionalističko i neonacističko delovanje predstave tako da se u javnosti doživljavaju kao deo mejnstrim kulture. I dok neki od njih netrpeljivost i mržnju otvoreno propagiraju u svojim pesmama, kod drugih tekstovi pesama nisu eksplicitni, ali jeste ikonografija koja prati njihove nastupe.