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by Agdw Hmlkh Mon Jan 26, 2015 12:17 amaleee aleee
Syriza ftw
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Join date : 2012-02-11
nisam plakao dvaes i kusur godina ni zbog kojeg kurca iz privatnog zivota, al ovako kad vidim ove izraze masovnog narodnog odusevljenja, kao ovo bela cao sad, nesto me stegne u grlu, i suze udare na oci...isto i kad gledam neka dojajna masovna izvodjenja himni i slicno...
da li sam ja normalan?
da li sam ja normalan?
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....al zavoleh devojku iz stada
- Posts : 2244
Join date : 2012-02-12
Location : www.zidnenovine.wordpress.com
Mediteran, Vasilije!!!
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Dok si to smislio, na mom si visio.
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Je l imamo temu na kojoj pišemo o tome koliko je Biki lepa ili može ovde?
- Posts : 196
Join date : 2012-02-11
jel spada savina janatu u mediteran?
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....al zavoleh devojku iz stada
- Posts : 2244
Join date : 2012-02-12
Location : www.zidnenovine.wordpress.com
Naravno, zasto?Yinid Atik Ayem wrote:jel spada savina janatu u mediteran?
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Dok si to smislio, na mom si visio.
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Je l imamo temu na kojoj pišemo o tome koliko je Biki lepa ili može ovde?
- Posts : 196
Join date : 2012-02-11
bezveze pitam, reko da nije savina neki nepozeljni mejnstrim, pa da se upoznam sa kriterijumima
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....al zavoleh devojku iz stada
- Posts : 37657
Join date : 2014-10-27
bolje da izaberu zapad 
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
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Join date : 2012-02-10
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★
Uprava napolje!
- Posts : 622
Join date : 2014-12-06
Yinid Atik Ayem wrote:nisam plakao dvaes i kusur godina ni zbog kojeg kurca iz privatnog zivota, al ovako kad vidim ove izraze masovnog narodnog odusevljenja, kao ovo bela cao sad, nesto me stegne u grlu, i suze udare na oci...isto i kad gledam neka dojajna masovna izvodjenja himni i slicno...
da li sam ja normalan?
Ne.
- Posts : 22555
Join date : 2014-12-01
Svaka im čast. Formirali su vladu za sat vremena. U nekim zemljama® lokalni Dramoseri© prave vladu mesecima, i to sa natpolovičnom većinom.
- Posts : 3849
Join date : 2014-11-12
ficfiric wrote:
lol
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Formiraju taktičku koaliciju sa strankom koja se zalaže za zatvaranje levičarskih skvotova i ograničavanje imigracije, protivi se multikulturalizmu, i smatra da je današnja Grčka previše sekularna.
Saradnja sa antiimigrantskom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 30 i 31 programa Sirize:
Saradnja sa izrazito klerikalnom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 8 i 12.
mislim...lako je tako formirati vladu, tako što će ti jezičak na vagi biti stranka koja se sa tobom slaže u samo jednoj, anti-austerity tački programa. Šef ANEL-a već je rekao da je jasno da se on i Cipras ne slažu oko inostranih poslova i pitanja građanskih sloboda.
Saradnja sa antiimigrantskom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 30 i 31 programa Sirize:
30. Guarantee human rights in immigrant detention centres.
31. Facilitate the reunion of immigrant families.
Saradnja sa izrazito klerikalnom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 8 i 12.
8. Abolition of financial privileges for the Church and shipbuilding industry.
12. Use buildings of the government, banks and the Church for the homeless.
mislim...lako je tako formirati vladu, tako što će ti jezičak na vagi biti stranka koja se sa tobom slaže u samo jednoj, anti-austerity tački programa. Šef ANEL-a već je rekao da je jasno da se on i Cipras ne slažu oko inostranih poslova i pitanja građanskih sloboda.
Last edited by Greshni Vasilije on Mon Jan 26, 2015 12:11 pm; edited 1 time in total
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Join date : 2014-10-27
direktno otvaraju vrata tim kretenima da na sledecim izborima jos bolje prodju. mada treba videti kakav ce koalcioni sporazum postici.
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
- Guest
timur chevket wrote:direktno otvaraju vrata tim kretenima da na sledecim izborima jos bolje prodju. mada treba videti kakav ce koalcioni sporazum postici.
Ali pazi kada sam došao ovde jutros da napišem da najveća opasnost ovih izbora leži u tome što, ukoliko Siriza doživi fijasko, nju neće naslediti PASOK i Nova Demokratija, već ANEL i Zlatna zora, a nisam ni izvalio da su se ovi već dogovorili. Ovako izgleda početak tog fijaska, da batališ veliki deo svog programa zarad ustupka euforiji. Diletanti.
Videćemo kakav će sporazum postići, ali kakav god da bude, bilo bi čudo da u ovakvoj koaliciji pokušaju da ostvare delove programa koji se odnose na human tretman azilanata, razoružavanje Obalske straže i na crkvene posede.
Izvinite zbog mračenja, ali ANEL je brate nešto kao Dveri i saradnja sa njima je prvi nagoveštaj kolosalne ispale. Nadam se da nisam u pravu.
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Join date : 2014-10-27
mislim da ce se anel slepovati na anti-austerity politici i skupljati glasove. videcemo. mozda bude i prebega iz pasoka i kke.
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
- Posts : 37657
Join date : 2014-10-27
mada je ovo tacno ono o cemu badju prica kada govori o opasnostima parlamentarne politike. postoji jedna uzasna desna inercija u samom drzavnom i politickom aparatu protiv koje je tesko ici.
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
Erős Pista
- Posts : 82754
Join date : 2012-06-10
Loš znak, u svakom slučaju.
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"Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."
Dragoslav Bokan, Novi putevi oftalmologije
- Posts : 622
Join date : 2014-12-06
Greshni Vasilije wrote:Formiraju taktičku koaliciju sa strankom koja se zalaže za zatvaranje levičarskih skvotova i ograničavanje imigracije, protivi se multikulturalizmu, i smatra da je današnja Grčka previše sekularna.
Saradnja sa antiimigrantskom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 30 i 31 programa Sirize:
30. Guarantee human rights in immigrant detention centres.
31. Facilitate the reunion of immigrant families.
Saradnja sa izrazito klerikalnom strankom kosi se sa tačkama 8 i 12.
8. Abolition of financial privileges for the Church and shipbuilding industry.
12. Use buildings of the government, banks and the Church for the homeless.
mislim...lako je tako formirati vladu, tako što će ti jezičak na vagi biti stranka koja se sa tobom slaže u samo jednoj, anti-austerity tački programa. Šef ANEL-a već je rekao da je jasno da se on i Cipras ne slažu oko inostranih poslova i pitanja građanskih sloboda.
Odlicno zapazanje i potonja analizica.
- Posts : 37657
Join date : 2014-10-27
evo lajv bloga
http://marks21.info/izvestaji/votesyriza2015-lajv-blog-sa-lica-mesta
http://marks21.info/izvestaji/votesyriza2015-lajv-blog-sa-lica-mesta
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
- Posts : 37657
Join date : 2014-10-27
Kevin Ovenden
- Balliol College, Oxford
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· 4 Mutual Friends
· 4 hrs ·
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Anticipate an awful lot or references to the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci coming out of Greece in the coming months.
That's great - so long as we get all of Gramsci and him, not bad readings.
For example - anyone who thinks they can sprinkle a bit of Antonio to make any bad compromise in politics more palatable should read this:
Q1, § 120 [None] [B pp 120]
‘“Believe me, do not fear either the rogues or the wicked. Fear the honest man who deceives himself; he is honest with himself, he believes in the good, and everyone trusts him; but, unfortunately, he deceives himself about the means with which to procure the good for mankind". This line from Abbe Galiani was aimed against the ‘philosophers’ of the eighteenth century, against the future Jacobins, but it applies to all those bad politicians who are said to be honest’.
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And Will's father stood up, stuffed his pipe with tobacco, rummaged his pockets for matches, brought out a battered harmonica, a penknife, a cigarette lighter that wouldn't work, and a memo pad he had always meant to write some great thoughts down on but never got around to, and lined up these weapons for a pygmy war that could be lost before it even started
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Join date : 2014-12-01
Jbt, kako se domaćin™ raspoznaje na kilometar, ma koje nacije bio...
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Join date : 2012-06-10
Odličan tekst.
Syriza’s Victory
James Meek 26 January 2015
Tags: europe | greece | syriza
Syriza’s victory in the Greek general election is a hopeful moment for Europe. It shows how a radical left-wing political movement, brought together in a short time, can use the democratic system to attack three menaces: the rentier lords of jurisdiction-hopping private capital, the compromised political hacks of the traditional parties who have become their accomplices, and the panphobic haters of the populist right.
Nationalist-conservative movements, it turns out, don’t have a monopoly on the anti-establishment wave. The future doesn’t have to belong to Golden Dawn, Ukip, the Front National, Pegida, the Finns Party, Partij voor de Vrijheid or the Sweden Democrats. It could belong to Syriza, or Podemos, or Die Linke, or to an as-yet non-existent British movement – anti-austerity, pro-Europe – which would scoop up votes from Labour, Liberals, the Scottish National Party, Ukip and the Greens.
And these left-wing movements – so it seems now, savour it while you can – don’t have to rely on street protests to get what they want. They can get it through an instrument long considered by socialist radicals to be redundant: the ballot box.
The ascent of Syriza signifies the emergence of a trans-European politics in a way the previous rise to prominence of the likes of the Front National and Ukip haven’t. The eurosceptics want to push the European Union away. They want their politics to be more national. What makes Alexis Tsipras radical is not what he wants to do in Greece, but what he wants to do in Europe.
Tsipras’s programme will work only if he manages to ignite the Syrizification of the entire Eurozone; if he can win the implicit support of voters in enough national elections across the continent to force Angela Merkel and her fellow pro-austerity north Europeans into the position of isolation that Greece is in now.
Greece risks ostracism and expulsion from the Eurozone if it renounces the terms of the loan (‘unsustainable and will never be serviced,’ Tsipras says) it got from Europe to enable it to pay off the previous loans it couldn’t pay off.
The buzz in the financial world is that the risk of ‘financial contagion’ is low this time round, should Greece drop out of the euro. But that ignores the possibility of political contagion, on which Tsipras is staking his hopes; the idea that everything could be turned on its head and it become Germany, rather than Greece, that is pushed to make an in-out choice on the euro by an overwhelmingly anti-austerity Europe.
In an open letter to the German people published on 13 January in the business daily Handelsblatt, Tsipras laid out his argument. His complaint, he said, was not that Germany had given Greece too little money when his country was ‘rescued’ after its financial collapse, but that it had given too much; Europe, he said, had acted like a reckless banker who refuses to accept that he made a bad bet on a failing business, and instead of writing the loan off, lets the firm limp on, stagnating, not closing but unable to renew itself because all its profits go to paying debt instead of investment.
It is a disingenuous letter. Tsipras doesn’t really think Germany gave Greece too much money; he thinks Germany and its fellow-creditors lent Greece too much, and didn’t give it enough. A form of bankruptcy has always been open to Greece – quitting the Eurozone and defaulting. But Tsipras doesn’t want that. He wants to stay in the Eurozone, and for Athens to be able effectively to print euros, to be allowed to break out of its austerity straitjacket and embark on a Keynesian programme of expansion.
I have sympathy for Germans clutching their heads at this. Why, they might ask, should we let the Greeks dilute our currency? To which the Greeks might answer that it is their currency too, and sometimes, when a currency becomes sluggish, a bit of dilution is what it needs. And Tsipras’s demand is not as presumptuous as it sounds. There is a sense in which the bailout was a bailout of Greece’s creditors – big financial institutions – rather than the country. Really what Tsipras seems to be seeking for Greece is something like the Chapter 11 bankruptcy rules that exist in America, where a company can file for protection from creditors, continue to operate, and still borrow money to rebuild.
But Tsipras is issuing a much deeper challenge than that to the existing European dispensation. He is demanding that the rich parts of the Eurozone take the same direct responsibility for the less successful, or unluckier, areas as the richer parts of Germany or France do for the poorer regions within their own countries. He is seeking the mutualisation of giving a damn from the Arctic to the Aegean.
This idea has always existed in the abstract, but Syriza’s victory has given it flesh. And although it might seem Greece has no leverage, the European Central Bank’s launch of quantitative easing (money-printing) is a move in Tsipras’s direction. Who knows what influence a strong showing by Syriza’s Spanish counterpart, Podemos, in December might have on Portugal, Ireland and Italy, and what the consequences in France might be? The European Union may yet fragment into something looser. But should it move in the opposite direction, it may not be on Angela Merkel’s terms.
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"Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."
Dragoslav Bokan, Novi putevi oftalmologije
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Kritičari institucionalne demokratije se često žale da izbori po pravilu ne donose stvarne promene. Uglavnom se sve svodi na izbor između desnog i levog centra sa gotovo istim političkim programima. Grčki izbori su pokazali da to nije uvek tako. Još od 27. juna 2012. grčki glasači imaju pravi izbor: vladajući poredak s jedne strane i Siriza, koalicija radikalne levice, sa druge.
U vremenima suštinskih izbora vladajući poredak obično zapada u paniku. Prizivaju se slike socijalnog haosa, siromaštva i nereda koji će nastupiti ako se izabere pogrešna strana. I sam nagoveštaj pobede Sirize izazvao je potrese na tržištima i doveo do uobičajene ideološke personifikacije tržišta, koja su „progovorila“ kao da su ljudska bića i „izrazila brigu“ za budućnost, ako na grčkim izborima izgubi garnitura koja zastupa politiku stroge fiskalne štednje.
U reakciji evropskog poretka na moguću pobedu Sirize prepoznaje se obrazac, koji je najbolje opisao Gideon Rahman u svom komentaru u Fajnenšal tajmsu: „Najslabija karika evrozone su njeni glasači“. U idealnom svetu evropske birokratije ta „najslabija karika“ se ukida i eksperti nesmetano sprovode neophodne ekonomske mere. Ako do izbora uopšte i dođe, oni služe samo tome da potvrde ekspertski konsenzus.
Iz te perspektive izbori u Grčkoj su noćna mora. Kako je moguće izbeći ovu katastrofu? Očigledan način bilo bi zastrašivanje grčkih glasača porukom: „Kažete da vam je sada teško? Čekajte da pobedi Siriza, pravićete nas od blata!“
Alternativa je istupanje Sirize (ili njeno izbacivanje) iz evropskog projekta, sa nesagledivim posledicama, ili „prljavi kompromis“ kojim će obe strane ublažiti svoje zahteve. To izaziva novu bojazan: ne od iracionalnog ponašanja Sirize posle pobede, nego strah da će Siriza prihvatiti racionalan prljavi kompromis koji će razočarati glasače i čije obnovljeno nezadovoljstvo više neće biti pod kontrolom Sirize.
Koliki je manevarski prostor vlade koju će formirati Siriza? Da parafraziram predsednika Buša, ne treba potcenjivati rušilačku snagu međunarodnog kapitala, posebno kada je u sprezi sa sabotažama na koje je spremna korumpirana klijentelistička grčka birokratija.
Da li nova vlada u takvim uslovima može da sprovede radikalne promene? Zamka koja se tu krije jasno je izražena u knjizi Tomasa Piketija Kapital u dvadeset prvom veku. Po Piketiju, kapitalizam je nužnost, pa je jedina izvodljiva alternativa pustiti njegovu mašineriju da deluje u svojoj sferi, a princip jednakosti sprovoditi političkim putem – demokratskom vlašću koja će regulisati ekonomski sistem i vršiti naknadnu preraspodelu dobara.
Takvo rešenje je utopijsko u najstriktnijem smislu te reči. Piketi dobro zna da bi model koji predlaže mogao da funkcioniše samo globalno, iznad suvereniteta nacionalnih država (inače bi kapital bežao u zemlje sa nižim porezima). To podrazumeva postojanje svetske sile sa dovoljno snage i autoriteta da ga sprovede. Međutim, takva globalna sila je nezamisliva u okvirima današnjeg globalnog kapitalizma i političkih mehanizama koje on podrazumeva. Ukratko, da takva sila postoji, osnovni problem već bi bio rešen.
Kakve dodatne mere bi bile potrebne da se na globalnom planu sprovedu visoke poreske stope koje Piketi predlaže? Jedini izlaz iz tog začaranog kruga je preseći Gordijev čvor i delati. Savršeni uslovi za akciju ne postoje – svaka akcija je po definiciji preuranjena. Ali od nekud se mora početi, jednom pojedinačnom intervencijom. Pri tome treba voditi računa o daljim komplikacijama do kojih će ona dovesti.
Ali šta sa ogromnim dugom? Evropska politika prema teško zaduženim zemljama kao što je Grčka je extend and pretend – produži rok otplate i pravi se da veruješ kako će dug biti vraćen. Zašto se onda ne odustane od koncepta produženja roka otplate duga? Razlog nije samo udvaranje nemačkim glasačima, niti strah da bi otpis grčkih dugova izazvao slične zahteve iz Portugalije, Irske i Španije. Radi se o tome da oni koji vuku konce zapravo ne žele da se ti dugovi ikada vrate.
Poverioci zadužene države optužuju za manjak osećaja krivice – zameraju im to što se osećaju nedužnima. Njihov pritisak se savršeno uklapa u ono što psihoanalitičari nazivaju super-egom. Paradoks super-ega, kako je Frojd lepo objasnio, je u tome da što se više povinujete njegovim zahtevima, to više raste vaš osećaj krivice.
Zamislite pakosnog nastavnika koji učenicima postavlja samo nemoguće zadatke, a onda se sadistički naslađuje kada to kod njih izazove strah i paniku. Istinski cilj pozajmljivanja novca nije vraćanje duga uz kamate, već nastavak zaduživanja u beskraj koje dužnika dovodi u stanje neprekidne zavisnosti i podređenosti.
Uzmimo za primer Argentinu. Kada je pre desetak godina ta zemlja odlučila da svoje dugove prema MMF-u otplati pre roka (uz finansijsku pomoć Venecuele), reakcija MMF-a bila je iznenađujuća: umesto da im bude drago što će dobiti svoj novac, MMF (ili tačnije, njegovi vodeći kadrovi) izrazili su zabrinutost da će Argentina svoju slobodu i finansijsku nezavisnost od međunarodnih monetarnih institucija iskoristiti da napusti fiskalne mere i posveti se neodgovornom trošenju.
Dug je instrument kontrole i regulacije dužnika i kao takav stremi sopstvenom širenju i umnožavanju.
Jasno je šta je jedino moguće rešenje: svi znaju da Grčka nikada neće vratiti svoj dug i treba skupiti hrabrost i otpisati ga. To je moguće izvesti po prilično podnošljivoj ekonomskoj ceni, prostom političkom voljom. U tome leži naša jedina nada da izađemo iz vrzinog kola briselske neoliberalne tehnokratije i lažnih rasističkih strasti. Ako mi ne preduzmemo te korake, napraviće ih neko drugi, od grčke Zlatne zore do britanskog UKIP-a.
U svojoj knjizi Beleške za definiciju kulture veliki konzervativac T. S. Eliot primećuje da je ponekad jedini izbor koji imamo onaj između jeresi i bezverja, to jest da je nekada jedini način očuvanja vere sektaški raskol. To je naša današnja pozicija u vezi sa Evropom. Samo nova „jeres“ (koju u ovom trenutku predstavlja Siriza) – otcepljenje Grčke od Evropske unije – može spasti ono što je vredno spasavanja u evropskom nasleđu: demokratiju, veru u ljude i solidarnu jednakost.
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Reci da je Žižek autor, koji ti fazon