Mala istorijska biblioteka
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Oni su bukvalno zavrsili sa romejstvom nastankom nove helenske drzave. Morali su da ih "uče" da su Heleni. Doduše, time su završili i sa boravkom na istoku Trakije i u Anadoliji. To je jedna fantastično zanimljiva tema.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Mislim, to je uopstalom i prica o tome kako ne mogu bas svi nacionalni identiteti, odnosno njihova pocetna uoblicavanja, da se svrstaju u 18-20 vek.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
National boundaries themselves had become more porous so that travelers crossed them with exceptional ease. Developments in transportation generated a freer movement of people across national lines. The airplane pierced the wall of frontiers and wiped out the military significance of fixed fortifications. Passports were generally unnecessary.A number of European countries instituted them during the French Revolution, but in the course of the nineteenth century they were gradually eliminated. England, Norway, and Sweden never had them at all. France abolished them in 1843, and except for a brief interval during the war of 1870-71, required no passports from anyone. In 1861 Belgium abolished all passport requirements for travelers entering or leaving her borders. Spain followed in 1863, Germany in 1867, and Italy in 1889.
When the German government of Alsace-Lorraine instituted a passport requirement in 1888, there was a violent outcry. One critic protested that passports were inhuman and made it impossible to make surprise journeys or emergency visits. Their institution by the German authorities, he wrote, was an act of "iniquity and torture that put the Alsaciens and Lorrainers beyond the pale of humanity."48 Widespread protest obliged the German government in 1891 to eliminate passport requirements in Alsace-Lorraine for everybody except French officers and Germans who had not served in the army. The French instituted a similar regulation in 1912 to control travel of foreign military officers, but until the outbreak of war in 1914 most of the countries of western Europe had limited or no passport requirements and allowed almost everyone to travel freely.
Stefan Zweig's nostalgia for prewar Europe included memories of the ease of travel in a world without the kinds of traumas experienced at borders during the Second World War. Before 1914 he journeyed to India and to America without a passport and without ever having seen one. "The frontiers," he recalled, "were nothing but symbolic lines which one crossed with as little thought as when one crosses the Meridian of Greenwich."49
Stephen Kern, The culture of time and space 1880-1918.
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- Post n°554
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Izglda da nisam zalud hvalio knjigu - tek što je stigla u biblioteke neko se odvažio da je kopira OVDE.Solus_Rex wrote:Za slavske zgode će morati da se dreše dve crvene jer je Mediterran iz NS konačno objavio prevod dela koje Fuko držao za najvažniju studiju XX v. i težio da po nameštenju na Kolež de Frans napiše nešto slično. Sa obiljem bizarnih i deprimirajućih premera pokojni Bloh kao da nam namiguje kako će Aca i Danilo vladati predstojećih sto godina.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
https://www.kupindo.com/Istorija/65836557_Informbiro-u-beranskom-i-andrijevickom-srezu
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- Post n°556
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Не знам где другде да ставим.
Преминуо је Горан Деспотовић, један од најбољих познавалац НОБ код нас, и човек који је скоро сам направио дигитални архив znaci.org
Сахрана је сутра у 11 часова на гробљу Лешће.
Преминуо је Горан Деспотовић, један од најбољих познавалац НОБ код нас, и човек који је скоро сам направио дигитални архив znaci.org
Сахрана је сутра у 11 часова на гробљу Лешће.
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- Post n°557
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Jel to ovaj G.Despotovic?
https://m.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100054437733567
https://m.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100054437733567
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Znam za znake, ali ne znam ko je lik...
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
TragedijaSotir wrote:Не знам где другде да ставим.
Преминуо је Горан Деспотовић, један од најбољих познавалац НОБ код нас, и човек који је скоро сам направио дигитални архив znaci.org
Сахрана је сутра у 11 часова на гробљу Лешће.
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Što se ostaloga tiče, smatram da Zapad treba razoriti
Jedini proleter Burundija
Pristalica krvne osvete
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- Post n°561
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
milan radanovic.
vredi li nesto njegovo procitati?
vredi li nesto njegovo procitati?
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- Post n°563
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Ако те занима Други светски рат, наравно.
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- Post n°564
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
...aktivan na twitteru. Youtube search daje rezultate.
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
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- Post n°565
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
zanima, obraticu paznju na njega.
a radoslav rotkovic? mislim da je taj pokojni i da je bio mitoman
a radoslav rotkovic? mislim da je taj pokojni i da je bio mitoman
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- Post n°566
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
ma jok.
Radoslav Rotkovic: Crnogorci su stari slovenski narod, zapadno-slovenskog porijekla, zapadni susjedi Poljaka, s kojima imaju zajedničku ijekavicu (Ukrajinac je ikavac: sino, dite, did; Belorus je ekavac: Belorusija; Rus je jekavac: snjeg; Polak - ijekavac: snieg). S njima imamo isti glasovni sistem sa s' za sj; z' za zj (koz'i sir) i 3: bi3a. Crnogorci, dakle, imaju 33 slova a Srbi i Hrvati 30.
Crnogorci su došli na južni Jadran poslije 568 godine, a Srbi i Hrvati poslije 626. Zato su Srbi od dolaska na Balkan, kao i prije, govorili: lepo, belo, a Crnogorci: lijepo, bijelo. U Crnoj Gori nema nijednog ekavskog geografskog naziva.
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
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- Post n°567
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
To je neki pajac, Milan Radanovic je ozbiljan covek. Imao sam cast da prisustvujem promociji njegove knjige, nekim tribinama na kojima je ucestvovao kao govornik, debati protiv tzv. Srdjana Cvetkovica, kao i nekim diskusijama oko tzv. rehabilitacije
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- Post n°568
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Notxor wrote:ma jok.
Radoslav Rotkovic: Crnogorci su stari slovenski narod, zapadno-slovenskog porijekla, zapadni susjedi Poljaka, s kojima imaju zajedničku ijekavicu (Ukrajinac je ikavac: sino, dite, did; Belorus je ekavac: Belorusija; Rus je jekavac: snjeg; Polak - ijekavac: snieg). S njima imamo isti glasovni sistem sa s' za sj; z' za zj (koz'i sir) i 3: bi3a. Crnogorci, dakle, imaju 33 slova a Srbi i Hrvati 30.
Crnogorci su došli na južni Jadran poslije 568 godine, a Srbi i Hrvati poslije 626. Zato su Srbi od dolaska na Balkan, kao i prije, govorili: lepo, belo, a Crnogorci: lijepo, bijelo. U Crnoj Gori nema nijednog ekavskog geografskog naziva.
daj jos ovih bisera.
ovo je kao onaj sto je gostovao kod tese tesanovic.
ee ne mogu da se setim imena, izlapio
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- Post n°569
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Rotkovića imaš u pdf formatu na raznim crnogorskim sajtovima... probaj ovo da staviš u google
nisam čitao jer me previše ne zanima.
- Code:
fdocuments.in_rotkovic-radoslav-odakle-su-dosli-preci-crnogoraca-2-izdanje-2000.pdf
nisam čitao jer me previše ne zanima.
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
za pronaci cim izadje
https://www.routledge.com/Mediterranean-Europes-Rethinking-Europe-from-its-Southern-Shores/DAuria-Gallo/p/book/9780367538965
This book investigates how ideas of and discourses about Europe have been affected by images of the Mediterranean Sea and its many worlds from the nineteenth century onwards.
Surprisingly, modern scholars have often neglected such an influence and, in fact, in most histories of the idea of Europe the Mediterranean is conspicuously absent. This might partly be explained by the fact that historians have often identified Europe with modernity (and the Atlantic world) and, therefore, in opposition to the classical world (centred around the Mediterranean). This book will challenge such views, showing that a plethora of thinkers, from the early nineteenth century to the present, have refused to relegate the Mediterranean to the past. Importance is given to the idea of a distinct ‘meridian thought’, a notion first set forth by Albert Camus and now reworked by French and Italian thinkers. As most chapters argue, this might represent an important tool for rethinking the Mediterranean and, in turn, it might help us challenge received notions about European identity and rethink Europe as the locus of ‘modernity’.
Mediterranean Europe(s): Rethinking Europe from its Southern Shores will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in European studies and Mediterranean history.
10. poglavlje
https://www.routledge.com/Mediterranean-Europes-Rethinking-Europe-from-its-Southern-Shores/DAuria-Gallo/p/book/9780367538965
This book investigates how ideas of and discourses about Europe have been affected by images of the Mediterranean Sea and its many worlds from the nineteenth century onwards.
Surprisingly, modern scholars have often neglected such an influence and, in fact, in most histories of the idea of Europe the Mediterranean is conspicuously absent. This might partly be explained by the fact that historians have often identified Europe with modernity (and the Atlantic world) and, therefore, in opposition to the classical world (centred around the Mediterranean). This book will challenge such views, showing that a plethora of thinkers, from the early nineteenth century to the present, have refused to relegate the Mediterranean to the past. Importance is given to the idea of a distinct ‘meridian thought’, a notion first set forth by Albert Camus and now reworked by French and Italian thinkers. As most chapters argue, this might represent an important tool for rethinking the Mediterranean and, in turn, it might help us challenge received notions about European identity and rethink Europe as the locus of ‘modernity’.
Mediterranean Europe(s): Rethinking Europe from its Southern Shores will appeal to researchers and students alike interested in European studies and Mediterranean history.
- Spoiler:
Introduction
Ideas of Europe and the (Modern) Mediterranean
By Matthew D'Auria, Fernanda Gallo
Abstract
In the fourth of his lectures at the Collège de France on the history of European civilisation, a series delivered between 1944 and 1945, Lucien Febvre offered his audience a captivating definition of the Mediterranean. This he saw as a family of different historical beings, opposed and yet tied to one another, harmonised by the binding needs of a system. One key reason for this is that, in the modern age, national and imperial narratives have been dominant and have obscured the notion of the Mediterranean as an overarching space. Investigating the latter allows us to shed new light on the idea of Europe, establishing the extent to which the Middle Sea ought to be understood as a dividing or a connecting space. Horden, Purcell, Abulafia, and many other historians of the Mediterranean have on the one hand paid relatively little attention to its representations on the other have tended to neglect the crucial changes brought about by modernisation processes.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. The Saint-Simonian Vision of the Mediterranean
Deborah Paci
This chapter discusses the Saint-Simonian vision of the Mediterranean, focusing first on the works of Henri Saint-Simon and then analysing those of certain members of his coterie, above all Chevalier's. In his Lectures on the Philosophy of History, G.W.F. Hegel described the Mediterranean as the cradle of civilisation and as its raison d’être, that sea without which the Old World would never have produced Rome or Athens: For the three-quarters of the globe the Mediterranean Sea is similarly the uniting element, and the centre of World-History. From a geographical point of view, from the nineteenth century onwards, the Mediterranean gradually became a cultural entity loaded with symbolic and ideological meanings that would be put to use and consumed geopolitically. Commenting on the works of Saint-Simon, Amr Tawfik Kamal has pointed out how ‘the world map, like the anatomical chart, occupies a central position in his universal venture that should cover the globe with a grid of public projects.
2. The Port of Europe: Hegel’s Geophilosophy of History and the Spirit of the Sea
Alessandro De Arcangelis
This chapter argues that it is thanks to its unique relationship with the Mediterranean Sea, exclusively in light of an abstract ‘movement’ of history, that Europe, in Hegel's view, could acquire its world-historical prominence. In Hegel's works, the idea of Europe was intrinsically linked to a philosophically maintained Eurocentrism, which has received a remarkable degree of scholarly attention. Natural concepts are foundational to Hegel's political thought, on the one hand, and to his philosophy of history, on the other: in the philosopher's view, the human relation to the natural environment directly shapes the structure of societies, steering their economy, informing their culture, determining their politics. In the Encyclopaedia, one therefore finds the earliest formulations of the ‘geographical basis of world history’, to use Hegel's later wording. The passage above reveals very thought-provoking aspects of Hegel's political thought, which, once again, hints at the key role of bodies of water in enabling commerce and trade.
3. Mediterranean Imaginaries: Europe, Empire, and Islam in the Nineteenth Century
Gavin Murray-Miller
In 1912, the French writer Paul Bruzon offered a standard account of what he believed empire implied for the nations of Europe. Each people, he contended, had a particular geographical space in which to expand and spread their ‘civilisation’. The Anglo-Saxons had held sway in North America while the Russians were actively working to extend their domination across Central Asia and the historic homeland of the Slavs. The country could not ‘renounce the mission imposed on it by history, its geographical situation, its social circumstances’. While French imperial ideologues were inclined to see the Mediterranean as a historically French space, Spain and Italy clearly understood the region to be their own natural sphere of influence. Geopolitical struggles aside, the arguments presented by French, Spanish, Italian imperialists all drew upon a common set of perceptions and rationales. The nineteenth century witnessed the rise of Arabist historiography in Spain, with chairs in Arabic studies created in the major Spanish universities by mid-century.
4. Cradle, Frontier, and Contact: The Mediterranean in Geohistorical Narratives of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
Felix Wiedemann
‘The real European sea is the Mediterranean’, wrote the German orientalist, traveller, and writer Werner Benndorf in the prologue to his anthology Das Mittelmeerbuch. The idea that European civilisation has its roots in the Mediterranean and that the main cultural ideas and achievements were brought from there to the northern countries by migration or trade is, of course, anything but modern. The assignment of the eastern Mediterranean to the Orient fitted very well into the traditional narrative of ex oriente lux. To understand the deep impact of Aryanism on the geohistorical value of the Mediterranean, one must consider the corresponding migration-narratives. The Aryans were not reckoned to be the native population of the areas over which they held sway. Since the Mediterranean lies at the intersection of three continents – Europe, Asia, and Africa – it seemed self-evident to perceive the basin as a contact-zone that connected cultures and peoples.
5.‘Europe from Afar’: A Poetic History of the Jewish Mediterranean
Dario Miccoli
The radicalisation of the Middle Eastern political arena in the 1930s, and the growing importance of Islamic movements like the Muslim Brotherhood, founded in Egypt in 1929, slowly led to the marginalisation of the Jewish population. At the same time, Zionism began to seem increasingly attractive, especially to the younger generation. Europe, no matter how distant and different from the country by the Mediterranean sea in which she lived, was ‘part of us’, Kahanoff recalled. In fact Europe represented a space that, at times, made her feel like a stranger in Egypt, which by contrast seemed to be a world that was just ‘awakening’. A similar perspective is that of Lucien Sciuto, a journalist and writer also based in Cairo but born in Thessalonika in 1868. Sciuto studied at the schools of the Alliance Israélite Universelle and became one of the most important late-Ottoman Jewish journalists, contributing to many newspapers in his home town and in Istanbul.
6. Max Weber in Southern Europe: The Problem with Work
Roberto Dainotto
In the spring of 1898, Max Weber, 34 years of age and ‘overloaded with work’, fell terribly ill: ‘He was extremely exhausted – Marianne Weber later recounted – his solid frame was weakened, and tears welled up. Nature, so long violated, was beginning to take revenge’. Long before Weber, in fact, the antithetical topoi of a ‘vegetative’ south and an industrious north had a rich history – one already intertwined with religious imagery. ‘In Barthes's sense, the laziness of southern Europeans’, as Emanuele Rota puts it, ‘is a modern myth capable of re-emerging every time an economic crisis invests southern Europe’; and the role of Weber in establishing such a myth is probably a marginal one. The data gathered from occupational statistics, in short, has begun to reveal two distinctive sets of phenomena: industriousness in Protestant Mitteleuropa; and idleness in non-Protestant Mediterranean Europe, but also in China and generally in Asia.
7. Europe or the Mediterranean? Paul Valéry and the French Debate of the 1930s
Paola Cattani
This chapter discusses the convergences and divergences between the various Mediterranean ideals that coexisted and overlapped in those years within French intellectual discourse. Paul Valery was one of the most prominent intellectuals engaged in the construction of a united and peaceful Europe in the interwar years. In early 1933, in Nice, a ‘Centre Universitaire Mediterraneen’ was set up, jointly, by the Ministere de l’Education nationale, the Universite d'Aix-en-Provence, and the City of Nice. Its aim was to encourage debate, organise conferences, and offer courses on issues relating to the Mediterranean. Materials relating to the Centre, held in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France's Fonds Valery, are useful for fleshing out the rather generic and abstract declarations of the programme itself. In a programme that can only have been partly realised, Valery planned an ambitious cycle of courses and conferences that would combine ethnography, intellectual history, economics, geography, politics, and law.
8. ‘A Liquid Continent’: Alterity and Continuity between the Mediterranean Sea and Europe in Gabriel Audisio’s Interwar Works
Miriam Begliuomini
The southern microcosm emerging in his works owes its origin both to personal biography and to professional commitments. But there was also an elective affinity: Audisio sincerely believed in the possibility of a constructive interaction between the north and south of the Mediterranean. The Mediterranean basin represented a model, with its customs and traditions, but most of all with its landscape, at once ‘natural’ and constructed, as well as its climate. Climatological theories asserting an interdependence between a given environment, the behaviour of its inhabitants, and their social and political organisation, have, of course, a long tradition. However, from a geographical-climatological point of view, some similarities undermine the separation between the northern and southern parts of the Mediterranean in Audisio's thought. The Mediterranean was thus a space defined in part by its opposition to Europe, but which at the same time could overcome this – along with any other – opposition.
9. Mare Nostrum and the European Polity: Fascist Italy and the Mediterranean Sea in European Civilisation
Lucio Valent
This chapter offers some insights into the Fascist Revolution, on how it was understood by Fascist intellectuals and into the practical implementation of the decade's geopolitical projects. The war and the newly proclaimed Empire were the engine behind the Italian renewal, providing a workshop, in the colonies, for Fascist social engineering. It is well known that the Swedish geographer, Rudolf Kjellen, gave a precise definition of geopolitics in 1917, basing his theories in large measure on the German geographer Friedrich Ratzel's Politische Geographie, although Sir Halford Mackinder had already anticipated them with his The Geographical Pivot of History, published in 1904. The virtues of the Italians, glorified by Fascism, had to be transmitted in its newly acquired territories by a new man, the guardian, and custodian of a superior civilisation, forged through the unique understanding of a universal conception of life based on justice and equity.
10. Archipelago: Rethinking Europe from its Islands
Sara Sermini
In the eternal struggle between spirit and ‘barbarism’, the Archipelago became the mythical cradle of civilisation. The one whom Renan called ‘modern man’ was therefore projected into this ideal past, inhabiting an ideal place, a mythical land of promise, of ‘flowering islands’ able to survive the catastrophe, repudiating the barbarism of the times in which Holderlin deemed himself to be living. The archipelago exists in accordance with a dual risk: to become a hierarchically ordered space or to dissolve into insular individualities. The tension that characterises the dyads protection/exposure, refuge/threat, connection/disconnection defines a continuous movement from a border represented by the shores of the islands; it precipitates a quest for lines of flight as well as for intersections, connections, opening up a space of possibility: the archipelago. The definition of ‘democracy’ given by Zambrano testifies to the peculiarity of that historical moment, a moment of crisis for the whole of Europe.
11. Mediterraneanising Europe? How a German Book and the Mediterranean Perspective Could Help us to Better Understand the EU and its Crisis
Peter Pichler
Sebastian Schoepp is a German journalist who has mostly written on foreign policy, with a focus on southern Europe, the Mediterranean, and South America. He deploys the rhetorical strategy of irony when constructing an optimistic narrative of EU history. In Schoepp's judgement, the south of Europe is characterised by humanity, creativity, and the capacity to empathise. According to the journalist, the younger generation of southern Europeans has learned very quickly how to deal with difficulties relating to the Eurozone crisis. In today's post-Brexit era, a European integration history in the sense of an ‘ever closer union’ narrative is plainly obsolete. He is not only a watcher from outside but also a European journalist who has travelled, studied, worked, and lived in the Mediterranean countries of Europe. Mediterranean culture and experience with crisis, in many respects, differ from northern experiences. The southern experience of crisis is deeply ambivalent.
12. Myths and Making of the ‘Mediterranean World’
Some Afterthoughts
Rolf Petri
Mediterranean region-building, as we know it, started not much longer than two hundred years ago. The Mediterranean mystique, nurtured by an incessant flow of relics, images, and poetics of space, stands like a rock in the public arena. The Mediterranean's power to fascinate is equally able to meet the expectations of a mesmerised sun-worshipping crowd. Non-French thinkers of the early nineteenth century offered their own contributions to the unfolding of the narrative. One of them was the German geographer Alexander von Humboldt who sketched both a Mediterranean Europe and a ‘wider Mediterranean’ by suggesting that civilisation, through ‘the basin of the Mediterranean, which is open to the West’, passed onwards into the Atlantic and the wider world. That France has been the leader in forging the Mediterranean discourse did not hinder other nations from making of the ‘Mediterranean World’ a piece of evidence for their own existence anointed by history.
10. poglavlje
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- Post n°571
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Eno ti pdf na libgenu.
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Sweet and Tender Hooligan
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- Post n°572
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Oho super, kad sam video datum izdavanja nisam ni trazio tamo
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- Post n°573
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Slusam kao audioknjigu. Zanimljivo stivo, ali je ne bih preporucao kao uvod nekome ko nema pojma nista o Rimu i antici uopste. Knjiga implicitno ipak pretpostavlja da je citalac upoznat sa mitolosko-anegdotalnom istorijom antike, te nasuprot tome nudi demitologizovanu perspektivu.
Rostovcev i Maskin jos uvek najbolji. Nista bez materijalisticke analize.
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Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.
~~~~~
Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!
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- Post n°574
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Mašin je krš, nikad neću odustati od toga. A nema ni "analize" neke, uglavnom suvoparni stavovi i nabacane rečenice. Najbolje je ono što sam ti preporučio onomad. To je za dve klase bolje bukvalno.
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- Post n°575
Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka
Ama procitao sam to sto si mi preporucio onomad. Sve to stoji, lepo upakovano, objasnjeno, odmereno. ALI, moj resantiman prema nepravdi trenutacnog sveta, projektovan na hejt prema Rimljanima, najbolje nalazi oduska kod Maskina i Rostovceva.
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Sve čega ima na filmu, rekao sam, ima i na Zlatiboru.
~~~~~
Ne dajte da vas prevare! Sačuvajte svoje pojene!