Na današnji dan

After The War In Serbia Is Over

By MILO DJUKANOVIC and ZORAN DJINDJIC
MAY 8, 1999


Despite the current conflict, we remain committed to Yugoslavia's integration into Europe, and eventually into the European Union. The road to Europe is the only route that will help our country solve its considerable problems and build a lasting peace and stability throughout the region. It is difficult to imagine that any economic or political renewal can occur in Yugoslavia without unambiguous and long-term international support.

Only a democratic and stable Yugoslavia can secure stability in the Balkans. We want to underscore that the democratic political forces in Yugoslavia are committed to that goal. The immediate concerns are ending the war, securing the return of the refugees and implementing a political settlement in Kosovo that will include the deployment of an international force.

But to establish a lasting peace, the outside world needs to do more than solve the Kosovo crisis. Military intervention in Kosovo has led to new problems, whether or not that was intended. With intervention, the West assumed part of the responsibility for finding solutions to these problems.

At the same time, intense efforts will also be necessary on the part of Yugoslavs to win the trust of the outside world and recover the moral standing lost because of Kosovo.

Even before the end of the war, the international community should state clearly and unequivocally that democratic and economic reconstruction in Yugoslavia represents its official and binding position. Such a statement would give hope to the citizens of our country and encourage the transformation of the political landscape.

The cycle of politics that over the past 10 years or more has led our country to this tragedy must be broken. If the war ends with a signature on a peace agreement and the same leadership in power, with Slobodan Milosevic at the helm, the tragedy and violence will continue.

Yugoslavia's stability is crucial because of its size and geographical position in the Balkans and its role in determining the stability or instability of neighboring Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Albania. To date, however, international strategy on Yugoslavia has boiled down to crisis management, while ignoring the roots of crisis.

Democracy can be established in our country only with a complete political transition in Serbia and the rest of Yugoslavia. This depends on free and fair elections, the strengthening of Serbia's democratic opposition, close cooperation with the democratic Government of Montenegro, the complete isolation of undemocratic forces and the establishment of an outside body to help monitor the political change.

Respected European politicians with previous experience in the Balkans, like former Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez of Spain, former Chancellor Franz Vranitzky of Austria and Hans Koschnick, a veteran German Social Democrat, could work in such a commission under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Accelerated economic reconstruction in the Balkans will be possible only with some variant of the Marshall Plan. The promise of outside aid would help the cause of democracy in Yugoslavia by tempering lingering anger. It will be difficult for the democratic opposition to function after this NATO campaign because people are likely to see us as part of that Europe -- part of that West -- that bombed us, destroyed bridges, roads and factories, and killed civilians. People will protest in both Serbia and Montenegro.

But there is hope for the democratic forces. Mr. Milosevic's policies are facing destruction, which would create the glimmer of a chance to build something new on those ruins. If anything good can be extracted from the evil that is now among us, it is the chance -- with international help -- for a new beginning for Yugoslavia.

https://www.nytimes.com/1999/05/08/opinion/after-the-war-in-serbia-is-over.html

in a country such as ours where injustices reigns, conflict is inevitable ...when a dictatorship violates human rights and attacks the common good of the nation, when it becomes insupportable and when all the channels of dialogue are closed the church speaks of the legitimate right to insurrectional violence"

Kondo wrote:koga hoces da pitamo, sonju biserko ili natasu kandic? da kazemo pita zuper, moze?

Zuper wrote:Imali li podataka za stradanje civila Srbi/Albanci/ostali u periodu mart 1998-mart 1999 pre pocetka bombardovanja?

Posebno me zanima leto 1998 tzv. "Letnja ofanziva" VJ i policije kada je "slomljena" ovk.

Prilog razmišljanju otkud NATO intervencija: Od proleća 1998. do 24. marta 1999. godine vojska i policija su ubile oko 1.400 albanskih civila i njih bar 300.000 proterale.

— Nemanja Stjepanović (@nimante) March 24, 2018

Gargantua wrote:

Prilog razmišljanju otkud NATO intervencija: Od proleća 1998. do 24. marta 1999. godine vojska i policija su ubile oko 1.400 albanskih civila i njih bar 300.000 proterale.

— Nemanja Stjepanović (@nimante) March 24, 2018