Ћина-Средње Краљевство

Sada je sami obaraju a nekada su ludeli zbog toga jer su se bojali da se kuka i motika ne digne pa drugove potera. Transformacija iz komunizma u drzavni kapitalizam-merkantilizam. Inace bi se i dalje pitali zasto nam inflacija stalno raste a vrednost valute pada.

CHINA URGES OVERCAPACITY CUT, RADIO REPORTS - BBG
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Smanjite kreditnu ekspanziju pa ce biti manje prebacivanja. Ovaj, da....

Drugovi Kinezi ovoga meseca imaju veliki petogodinsji kongres CK ipak je zanimljivo kako vole monarhisticko i aristokratsko nasledjivanje na funkcijama, doduse malo su se bavili i spalajivanjem knjiga:

How Xi Jinping went from feeding pigs to ruling China

The Background

Xi’s revolutionary parents helped establish Communist China, his father serving as vice premier from 1959-1962. Like millions of young Chinese, Xi was dispatched to a rural village during Mao Zedong’s Cultural Revolution. The seven years he spent feeding pigs, clearing sewage and devouring books (from Victor Hugo to Ernest Hemingway) in China’s northwest was, he recalled, humbling and transformational. In comparison to his predecessors, Xi is a charismatic speaker who cuts a relaxed and confident figure in public. While what the public sees is an image cultivated by state media, he’s a known soccer lover and something of a multi-tasker with a reputation for challenging convention. His wife, singer Peng Liyuan, was more famous than him when they married and has helped establish China’s first “First Couple.” Xi’s vision for the masses — dubbed the “Chinese Dream” — includes doubling incomes by 2020 and establishing China as “fully developed, rich and powerful” by 2049. As his star rises, so does the Chinese media’s saturation and adulation. “There’s only one Mount Everest in the Himalayas,” the party-run Study Times wrote.

The Argument

Supporters say China needs a strong leader like Xi to overcome vested interests resisting much-needed reform and to glue together a diverse and restive society. Detractors question whether Xi is committed to forcing through difficult reforms that would, for example, tackle the country’s debt and liberalize financial markets. For all his talk of free trade, they say, China has become less open to foreign companies and remains one of the most protectionist countries. Xi’s strength, critics add, has come at considerable cost, including heightened censorship of the media, internet and arts — as well as the jailing of thousands of political and religious dissidents. Under Xi, China has been accused of heightening tensions in the South China Sea with what the U.S. calls “low-intensity coercion” tactics. In a 2017 international poll, most people surveyed had a favorable view of China but didn’t trust Xi when it came to world affairs. Still, they trusted him more than Trump.

The Situation

Challenging years of collective leadership in elite Chinese politics, Xi, 64, has taken charge of numerous policy committees, some beyond a president’s usual remit. He received a rare Communist Party accolade of “core” leader ahead of a twice-a-decade congress in October — a meeting that is expected to confirm the start of his second term as party chief and that may signal whether he will defy convention in 2022 and, as predicted by some analysts, serve a third term. (That’s the real seat of power; the presidency is largely ceremonial.) Internationally, his pet project, the Belt and Road Initiative, envisions a web of trade and infrastructure links along and beyond the ancient Silk Road routes, with China at its center. As commander-in-chief, Xi has demanded a force that’s “ready to win wars.” He has toughened China’s stance on Hong Kong, an autonomous territory, and Taiwan, over which it claims sovereignty. He has also expanded the country’s presence — and assertiveness — in Asia’s disputed waters. At home, Xi is grappling with transforming a slowing, debt-ridden economy through pledges to tackle bloated state-owned enterprises and a slew of other reforms. His anti-corruption drive has snared more than 1 million officials (including a party chief who was seen as a possible future leader). Trump has criticized Xi for being soft on North Korea and unfair on trade while describing him as “a very good man.”

Ne mogu sad da nadjem, ali jel istina da je kupio kćerki kuću u US of A?

Ona je pokusala da studira tajno na Harvardu 2010-2014 ali sada zivi u Kini. Za stan nisam cuo.

Is Xi a Threat to Foreign Businesses in China?
Multinationals say they feel less welcome in the world’s second-biggest economy.
Peter Martin and Keith Zhai

On Oct. 18, 2,300 hand-picked delegates from China’s ministries, provinces, the military, and state-owned and private companies will file into Beijing’s Great Hall of the People for the start of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party. The weeklong event is a highly choreographed, twice-in-a decade shuffling of China’s political deck. More than half of the top leadership is likely to be replaced, including as many as five of the seven members of the all-powerful Politburo Standing Committee—a subject of furious speculation in the runup to the Congress. What’s already a foregone conclusion is that President Xi Jinping will go on to serve a second five-year term and will in all likelihood emerge from the ritual even more powerful than he already is.

Foreign businesses may not find this an appealing prospect. It’s true China’s president talks a great deal about openness. One of his first acts in office was to reenact Deng Xiaoping’s “Southern Tour,” which reignited market reforms in the early 1990s. Policies announced at the Third Plenum in 2013 promised a “decisive” role for market forces. And while his U.S. counterpart, Donald Trump, has disparaged globalists, Xi embraces the label. In a speech at this year’s annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos, he said choosing protectionism was akin to “locking yourself in a dark room.”
But Xi’s rhetoric doesn’t square with reality, multinationals say. In a January survey of 462 U.S. companies by the American Chamber of Commerce in China, 81 percent said they felt less welcome in China, while more than 60 percent have little or no confidence the country will further open its markets in the next three years. The sentiment is echoed by the president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in Beijing, Mats Harborn, who says his members are suffering from “promise fatigue.” Says Harborn: “As business and investment decisions can’t be based on promises, we now need to see encouraging words turned into concrete market-opening actions.”
Indeed, despite all of Xi’s talk of reform, China still ranks 59th out of the 62 countries evaluated by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in terms of openness to foreign direct investment. At the same time, FDI is becoming less important to the economy: In 2016 it accounted for a little more than 1 percent of China’s gross domestic product, down from around 2.3 percent in 2006 and 4.8 percent in 1996.

“The Chinese leadership as a whole … has been conscious about pacing reform and opening”

During Xi’s first years in office, several foreign companies became targets of his anticorruption campaign as well as stepped-up enforcement of antitrust laws. Makers of baby formula including Abbott Laboratories, Danone, and Mead Johnson Nutrition were hit with a collective $110 million in fines in 2013 for allegedly colluding to keep prices high. An investigation into British pharmaceutical giant GlaxoSmithKline Plc for “serious economic crimes” including bribery culminated in an almost $500 million fine in September 2014. (In a statement at the time the company said it would pay the penalty and make changes to its business practices to remedy flaws cited by Chinese authorities.)
An even bigger cause for concern for multinationals are Beijing’s plans to replicate foreign technologies and foster national champions that can take them global. A program launched in 2015 called Made in China 2025 aims to make the country competitive within a decade in 10 industries, including aircraft, new energy vehicles, and biotechnology. U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross has described the plan as an “attack” on “American genius.” (koliko je tih genija oteto sa fukulteta u Srbiji, Poljskoj, Kini, Rusiji, Vijetnamu...da bi razvili te "genijalne" tehnologije?! O tome se ne pitaju...)
During a trip to China last month, Ross zeroed in on Beijing’s efforts to boost the share of domestically made robots in China to more than 50 percent of total sales by 2020, from 31 percent last year. To reach that target, the government is offering subsidies, low-interest loans, tax waivers, and rent-free land to makers of robots as well as businesses that buy them. Chinese companies such as E-Deodar Robot Equipment, Siasun Robot & Automation, and Anhui Efort Intelligent Equipment aspire to become multinationals, challenging the likes of Switzerland’s ABB Robotics and Japan’s Fanuc for leadership in the $11 billion market.

Under Xi, China has also redoubled efforts to build its own semiconductor industry. The country buys about 59 percent of the chips sold around the world, but in-country manufacturers account for only 16.2 percent of the industry’s global sales revenue, according to PwC. To rectify that, Made in China 2025 earmarks $150 billion in spending over 10 years. A January 2017 report by the U.S. President’s Council of Advisors on Science and Technology detailed China’s extensive subsidies to its chipmakers, mandates for domestic companies to buy only from local suppliers, and requirements that American companies transfer technology to China in return for access to its market, all of which add up to a natural security threat, it said. “It has been official Chinese policy for decades to seek the transfer of foreign technology, to establish domestic champions and to eventually displace foreign competitors,” says Jeff Moon, who stepped down as assistant U.S. trade representative for China affairs in January. “Xi has injected more nationalism and more vigor into those long-standing efforts and taken them to a more sophisticated level.”
Xi’s policies tread a well-worn path laid down by his predecessors. In the mid-2000s, the country set its sights on developing large, advanced nuclear reactors. State-owned enterprises including China General Nuclear Power Corp. and China National Nuclear Corp. assimilated Western technologies—sometimes with cooperation and sometimes not—and are now engaged in projects in Argentina, Kenya, Pakistan, and the U.K. Westinghouse Electric Co. supplied more than 75,000 documents detailing its nuclear technology to China’s State Nuclear Power Technology Co. in 2010 as part of a bid to build four reactors. In 2014 the U.S. government charged five Chinese military officials with hacking American companies including Westinghouse to steal information that would give their Chinese competitors an edge.
Some China hands say Xi hasn’t been more friendly to foreign business because he spent most of his first term focused on politics. In China, presidents are anointed, not elected. Deprived of a popular mandate, they must solidify their hold over the apparatus of power to advance their agenda. The anticorruption campaign Xi unleashed after coming to power in 2012 has ensnared some 1 million officials and sidelined many of his would-be rivals. He’s also overseen the largest overhaul of the military since the 1950s, decommissioning some 300,000 troops. “Usually when people come into office, nothing happens in the first year or two,” says Sidney Rittenberg, an American journalist who joined Mao Zedong’s revolution and for years served as his translator. “This guy came out of his corner like a boxer with a fury of punches.” Rittenberg says Xi has “still got to break the resistance to big economic reforms,” including restructuring or shutting down the 98 remaining state-owned enterprises operated by the central government. “They haven’t made much headway in terms of that at all.”
John Thornton, who helped build Goldman Sachs Group Inc.’s business in China in the 1990s and is now executive chairman of Barrick Gold Corp., says China’s policymakers have long worried that liberalizing too quickly might open the economy to foreign domination. “For the last 20 years, maybe even longer, the Chinese leadership as a whole, and this would include the current leadership, has been conscious about pacing reform and opening,” he says. What’s changed is that while U.S. policymakers were once comfortable allowing China that rein, today they’re more inclined to push back, Thornton says.
Sensing jitters, China’s leadership has tried to reassure foreign companies. In January, Xi’s cabinet released a policy known as “Document No. 5” that promises to expand access to the service, manufacturing, and mining sectors. The government has also said it’s considering easing restrictions in the civil aviation industry. Changes to regulations governing the insurance and auto industries, where caps on foreign ownership make joint ventures a necessity, may also be in the works.

Nevertheless, multinationals would do well to temper their expectations, says Gao Zhikai, who was an investment banker with Morgan Stanley and its joint venture China International Capital Corp. In the 1990s, China relied on foreign businesses not only for investment, but also technical and management know-how. Today, “foreign companies are less attractive to China, because they don’t have many things that China doesn’t have,” says Gao, who was involved in some landmark reforms, including taking China Mobile Ltd. public in 1997. “China is one of the world’s largest countries looking at population size, Internet users, mobile phone users, and other aspects,” he says. “It is now the time for China to lead global trends.” —With Danielle Bochove

nacionalna obnova
svitanje nove ere 
moćna sila koja vodi svet
istorijska raskrsnica
jako partijsko vođstvo
mangupi u našim redovima
...

Xi Jinping heralds 'new era' of Chinese power at Communist party congress

At start of week-long meeting, president tells delegates in 3hr 23min speech to ‘strive with endless energy toward national rejuvenation’

Wednesday 18 October 2017 05.54 BST Last modified on Wednesday 18 October 2017 17.24 BST



Xi Jinping has heralded the dawn of a “new era” of Chinese politics and power at the start of a historic Communist party congress celebrating the end of his first term in office.

Speaking in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, at the start of the week-long 19th party congress, Xi told delegates that thanks to decades of “tireless struggle” China stood “tall and firm in the east”.

Now, Xi said, it was time for his nation to transform itself into “a mighty force” that could lead the world on political, economic, military and environmental issues.

“This is a new historic juncture in China’s development,” China’s 64-year-old leader declared in his bold 3hr 23 minute address outlining the party’s priorities for the next five years.

“The Chinese nation … has stood up, grown rich, and become strong – and it now embraces the brilliant prospects of rejuvenation … It will be an era that sees China moving closer to centre stage and making greater contributions to mankind.”

Xi warned that achieving what he has hailed the “China Dream” would be “no walk in the park”: “It will take more than drum beating and gong clanging to get there.”

“[But] our mission is a call to action … let us get behind the strong leadership of the party and engage in a tenacious struggle.”

Xi became the Communist party’s general secretary – and thus China’s leader – at the last party congress in 2012, and has since emerged as one of China’s most dominant rulers since Mao Zedong.

In the surprisingly long speech – titled “Secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era” – Xi struck an upbeat tone that contrasted with the grey skies and drizzle outside.

“The Chinese nation is a great nation; it has been through hardships and adversity but remains indomitable. The Chinese people are a great people; they are industrious and brave and they never pause in pursuit of progress,” he said.

“The Communist party of China is a great party; it has the fight and mettle to win.”

Xi warned that corruption remained the greatest threat to the party’s survival despite a five-year war on graft that he claimed had been “built into a crushing tide”. “We must remain as firm as a rock … and secure sweeping victory,” he said, warning that “pleasure-seeking, inaction and sloth” were no longer acceptable. “We must … rid ourselves of any virus that erodes the party’s health.”

Xi, who has sought to portray himself as a strong and stable international statesman since last year’s election of Donald Trump, also painted China as a responsible global power that was committed to tackling shared dangers such as climate change.

“No country alone can address the many challenges facing mankind. No country can afford to retreat into self-isolation,” he said.

Without directly mentioning Trump, he noted how China had “taken a driving seat in international cooperation to respond to climate change”. He added: “Only by observing the laws of nature can mankind avoid costly blunders in its exploitation. Any harm we inflict on nature will eventually return to haunt us. This is a reality we have to face.”

Xi took a harder line on Hong Kong, which witnessed an unprecedented 79-day pro-democracy occupation and the birth of a nascent independence movement during his first term.

He vowed that Beijing would not allow the “one country, two systems” model, under which the former British colony has operated with relative autonomy from the mainland since handover, to be “bent or distorted”. Nor would independence activists be tolerated. “We will never allow anyone, any organisation, or any political party, at any time or in any form, to separate any part of Chinese territory from China.”

Xi was similarly uncompromising on China’s overall political model, offering no hint that democratic reform was on the horizon or that the party was considering loosening its grip on power. “No one political system should be regarded as the only choice and we should not just mechanically copy the political systems of other countries,” said Xi, who has overseen one of the most severe political chills in recent Chinese history. “The political system of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a great creation.”

Xi insisted China did “not pose a threat to any other country” but his speech chimed with the increasingly assertive – some say domineering – foreign policy that has emerged on his watch. He cited Beijing’s highly controversial island-building campaign as one of the key accomplishments of his first term. “Construction on islands and reefs in the South China Sea has seen steady progress.”

Beijing did not seek global hegemony but “no one should expect China to swallow anything that undermines its interests”.

More than 2,200 delegates have poured into Beijing for the week-long gathering, bringing with them an effervescence of political tributes.

“This is a joyous occasion,” Hu Xiaohan, the director of the Congress’ media centre, enthused at a reception on Monday night.

“Great changes have occurred in China and we are so proud of it,” said Xue Rong, a delegate who had travelled to the capital from Henan province. “Xi Jinping is a great man. He is down-to-earth, too. He carries the people in his heart.”

Zhao Yongqing, the propaganda chief of the north-western region of Ningxia, said he had been inspired by Xi’s opening pitch to the congress. “I feel a big responsibility. As a delegate, I must study and understand Xi’s speech thoroughly, and publicise and implement it well when I return home.”

The event, which Xi will use to pack the Communist party’s upper ranks with allies, marks the official end of what is expected to be the first of his two five-year terms in power.

For some though it has come to represent the advent of a new political era that could extend well beyond the originally anticipated end of Xi’s second term, in 2022.

Chen Daoyin, a Shanghai-based political scientist, said he believed the congress heralded the start of China’s third great political epoch since Mao Zedong’s communists seized power in 1949.

The first epoch was Mao himself, a revolutionary standard-bearer who helped the country find its feet; then came Deng Xiaoping, the reformer who masterminded China’s economic opening and helped it grow rich. “Now it’s Xi Jinping’s turn to usher in … the Xi Jinping era,” said Chen.

He predicted Xi would be remembered as the leader who made China a strong and powerful nation: “Being strong first of all means being a global power: being a world leader and therefore leading the world. It also means that the Communist party must be strong, and that it must maintain one-party rule.”

Elizabeth Economy, the director for Asia studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, said she also considered Xi a transformative figure who saw himself in the same tradition as Mao and Deng.

“I don’t think there’s a lack of confidence in Xi Jinping,” said Economy, who is writing a book on the Communist party leader called The Third Revolution.

“I think he believes that in order to reclaim China’s historic greatness, its centrality in the world, that China needs a strong leader – and he is the person for the job.”

Economy compared Xi’s bold political vision to a pyramid: “Xi Jinping sits on top of the Communist party, the Communist party sits on top of China, and China sits on top of the world.”

Ocekivano:

Xi Jinping 'most powerful Chinese leader since Mao Zedong'

China's ruling Communist Party has voted to enshrine Xi Jinping's name and ideology in its constitution, elevating him to the level of founder Mao Zedong.

The unanimous vote to incorporate "Xi Jinping Thought" happened at the end of the Communist Party congress, China's most important political meeting.
Mr Xi has steadily increased his grip on power since becoming leader in 2012.
This move means that any challenge to Mr Xi will now be seen as a threat to Communist Party rule.
...
But schoolchildren, college students and staff at state factories will now have to join 90 million Communist Party members in studying "Xi Jinping Thought" on the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-41730948

+

China congress: Military facelift a sign of bigger changes

...
Judging from the list of military and police delegates to the forthcoming congress where China's future leaders are to be unveiled, the largest turnover of senior officers in the history of the People's Republic of China (PRC) is set to occur.

An extraordinary 90% of the 300 military delegates will be first-time attendees.
At most, only 17% (seven of 41) of the military representatives with full membership on the 18th Central Committee will retain their seats.
This would constitute the largest-ever turnover of military elite in the history of the PRC.

The new top military leadership will most likely consist of Mr Xi's long-time friends Gen Zhang Youxia, Gen Li Zuocheng, and Adm Miao Hua, along with the newly promoted commanders of the PLA army, navy, air force, and strategic support force.

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-41507960

Sutra je glavni dogadjaj na izboru vrha Politbiroa. To ce dosta da kaze.

Xi Jinping has kicked off his second term as leader of the world’s second largest economy, vowing to spearhead the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” and signalling his intent to tower over Chinese politics for decades to come.

At just before noon on Wednesday, Xi unveiled the new line-up of China’s top ruling council – the Communist party’s politburo standing committee – leading six besuited comrades out into a blaze of camera flashes in the Great Hall of the People.

“Here, on behalf of the newly elected central leadership, I wish to express our heartfelt thanks to all other members of the party for the trust they have placed in us. We will work diligently to meet our duty, fulfil our mission and be worthy of their trust,” Xi said in a 21-minute address that marks the formal start of his second term.

Crucially, the all-male group contained no potential successor, since none of its five new members – all aged between 60 and 67 – is young enough to take the reins from Xi after the end of his second term, in 2022, and to then rule for the customary decade.

Such is the secrecy that cloaks Chinese politics that the identities of the standing committee’s incoming members were known only as Xi escorted them out onto a scarlet-carpeted stage.

Joining Xi and premier Li Keqiang on the elite committee are: Li Zhanshu, 67, Han Zheng, 63, Zhao Leji, 60, Wang Yang, 62 and Wang Huning, 62.

Ocekivanih naslednika nema u Politbirou, to su bili: Hu Chunhua, Chen Min’er i Zhang Qingwei, nema ih. To moze da znaci da Ksi nece da ode 2022 ali nije sigurica.

Three disgraced Chinese Communist Party officials accused of trying to rig elections
Allegations led to party abandoning usual vote-based promotion system at 19th national congress

Three disgraced senior officials from China’s Communist Party, including a man once considered a possible successor to President Xi Jinping, have been accused of rigging internal elections, as the party revealed on Thursday it abandoned a vote-based promotion system at its latest leadership reshuffle.

http://www.scmp.com/news/china/policies-politics/article/2117190/three-disgraced-chinese-communist-party-officials?utm_content=buffera5840&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer

Lošim su putem krenuli. Oligarhija je mnogo moćniji sistem od vlasti jednog čoveka.

Welcome to China, mr Trump

Three UCLA Basketball Players Detained in China

Bruins to play Georgia Tech in Shanghai on Saturday

By
Andrew Beaton in New York,
James T. Areddy in Shanghai and
Liza Lin in Beijing
Updated Nov. 8, 2017 2:17 p.m. ET

Three UCLA basketball players, including high-profile freshman LiAngelo Ball, were detained in China for alleged shoplifting, a person familiar with the matter said.

https://www.wsj.com/articles/three-ucla-basketball-players-detained-in-china-for-shoplifting-1510118535

http://time.com/5006971/how-chinas-economy-is-poised-to-win-the-future/

How China’s Economy Is Poised to Win the Future

There is no better example of this than the “social credit system” that China is developing, a system that allows state officials to assess a person’s financial data, social connections, consumption habits and respect for the law to establish the citizen’s “trustworthiness.”

e jbg, ako je ovo budućnost, onda daj te nuklearke...

Kina je vec najveca ekonomija sveta,

China 'overtakes U.S. as the the world's largest economy': IMF says economy is now worth £11 trillion as America falls into second place for the first time since 1872

Sto se tice price o industrijskoj i tehnoloskoj spijunazi:
Zasto su SAD napravile globalni obavestajni sistem ECHALON?
Kako su se SAD razvijale u XIX veku?

Sto se tice lakoce ulaganja i planskog ulaganja i razvoja:
Silicjumska dolina je prosarana kompanijama koje rade i finansiraju za racun SAD vojske i obavestajnog sektora. Razne VC kompanije, koje daju novac Silicjumskoj dolini, su pod kontrolom SAD vlade.

Cemu sluzi Ex-Im banka?
Kako je formiran Fannie Mai i  Freddie Mac?
Sto je bila baza razvoja SAD u poslednjih 60 godina.
Uostalom, kako je nastala Silicijumska dolina?

To mogu da farbaju ljude koji veze nemaju sa stvarnim stanjem i napajaju se znanjem o SAD iz Holivuda i serija, gledajuci FOX ili CNN ili citajuci neki NYT, koji su pokupali glupost o Indispensable Nation(kako ovo sada zvuc 20 godina nakon sto je izreceno?).


Pokupili su Ruse i druge ljude iz I. Evrope sa velikim zadovoljstvom nakon pada zida.
Intel(procesori), gomila softvera, avijacija... im se tako razvila.

Sto se tice razvoja Vestacke inteligencije, robotike i automatike, nisam siguran da ce glavni proboji doci iz Kine ili SAD.



Tekst je propagandno smece.

Kina ima ozbiljne probleme u unutrasnjom dugu, losijoj alokaciji likvidnosti zbog korupcije i to su ozbiljni problem koji nece biti lako reseni a Kini se moze desiti japanski scenario. Ali nisam siguran da SAD imaju bolju situaciju sto se tice raznih dugova.

Kina je napravila nezapamceno ekonomsko cudo, ali i dalje im je pametnije da ne dodaju gas u izjavama. Ameri to nisu radili jedno 50 godina posto su de facto postali najmocnija drzava na svetu, a jos su i imali daleko manje potencijalnih neprijatelja, a i geografija im je isla vise na ruku.

Lepo si primetio da Kina nije u istom geografskom orkuzenju u odnosu na SAD tada.
Jos nesto, Britanija je tada bila tada uznemirena zbog rasta SAD ali jos vise Nemacke. Zato sto su SAD od kraja Gradjnaskog rata do Mekinlija vodile izolacionisticku politiku, tada su se najbrze i razvijali(zato je tako jak izolacionisticki sentiment u SAD).
Sa druge strane, Nemacka je pocela da trazi kolonije a to znaci konkurenciju sa Britanijom tamo gde Britaniji najvise znaci. Jer je Britanija svoju moc vukla iz kolonija, narocito Indije(zato 100 godina jurenja sa Rusima u XIX veku po Aziji). Kada je krajem XIX krenula kolonizacija Afrike, Nemci su bili ozbiljni igraci. SAD nije bilo u tome. Tek je Mekinli poceo sa SAD kolonijama poput Filipina i Havaja ali to pocetkom XX veka.
Kina nesto slicno radi kao Nemacka, i oni su danas u Africi. Dakle, nije za poredjenje sa SAD. Jer socijlano Kina vise podseca na carsku Nemacku nego na SAD iz toga perioda.
SAD su u XIX veka imale malo stanovnista na svoju teritoriju i ogromne resurse(jedan od razloga brzog razvoja), kolonizovali su zapad i ubili ponekog Sijuksa ili Apaca, ali necemo o tome sada.
Nemacka je trazila ekspanziju jer je rast populacije trazio sirenje sto kroz kolonije, sto kroz sirenje fizickih granica Nemacke u Evropi.

Nije Kina kriva ali moraju da smanje deficit sa SAD:

Trump: "I don't blame China" for taking "advantage" on trade

"Right now, unfortunately, it is a very one-sided and unfair one," Mr. Trump said. "But I don't blame China. After all, who can blame a country for being able to take advantage of another country for the benefit of its citizens? I give China great credit ... but in actuality, I do blame past administrations for allowing this out of control trade deficit to take place and to grow."

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-i-dont-blame-china-for-taking-advantage-on-trade/

Ali postoji razlog za promenu retorike,

US President Donald Trump and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping have witnessed the signing of deals worth US$253 billion following formal talks in Beijing, making the US head of state’s visit to China one of the most fruitful for Chinese and US businesses in terms of the value of agreements struck.