Cthulhu for president!

Данас када су извесни ветрови промена у свету већ ту и када ће се односи САД и Русије ресетовати и побољшати ми тј. наша елита мора да покаже да је спремна да се промени. Ултимативно влада Србије мора постати просрпска и то доказати следећим потезима и то баш овим редом:

• Отказати услуге српском џелату Тонију Блеру.
  
  
• Осудити криминално-титоистички режим Мила Ђукановића и повести одлучну кампању против њега подржавајући Србе у Црној Гори. Јавно и без устезања.
  
  
• Почистити одмах у влади Србије, министарствима, републичкој администрацији и другим институцијама све оне који имају везе са криминалним режимом Мила Ђукановића у Црној Гори. Истражити и процесуирати њихову улогу у антисрпском деловању и криминалу.
  
  
• Успорити преговоре о отварању поглавља док не добијемо неке гаранције за КиМ и Републику Српску, односно заштиту права Срба у Црној Гори.
  
  
• Појачати односе са Русијом. Створити институције које ће конкретно сарађивати са Русијом. Ресетовање односа Русије и Турске, Русије и САД и следствено томе промена у Бугарској досадашње полтронске власти, даје нову могућност око српског учешћа у Јужном и Турском току
  
  
• Купити коначно Мигове за нашу војску и друго потребно оружје. Одмах.
  
  
• Обуставити „Бриселски процес“ и размотрити његове досадашње домете и у складу са тим поништити све оно што је једнострани уступак и лоше за српску позицију на Косову.
  

plachkica wrote:Ali pitanje je, kako tako lako?
Hajde kod nas, prilično je jednostavno objašnjenje, naše društvo je novo u pc svetu,
promoteri su bili prilično non-pc u promovisanju pc ponašanja.
Siromašni smo, ratovi tranzicija, bla bla bla.
Ali kako se to dešava u društvima kao što je britansko, francusko, pa i usa društvo?

plachkica wrote:Ali pitanje je, kako tako lako?
Hajde kod nas, prilično je jednostavno objašnjenje, naše društvo je novo u pc svetu,
promoteri su bili prilično non-pc u promovisanju pc ponašanja.
Siromašni smo, ratovi tranzicija, bla bla bla.
Ali kako se to dešava u društvima kao što je britansko, francusko, pa i usa društvo?

[size=39]Revenge of the Forgotten Class[/size]

Hillary Clinton and the Democrats were playing with fire when they effectively wrote off white workers in the small towns and cities of the Rust Belt.

by Alec MacGillis
ProPublica, Nov. 10, 2016, 8 a.m.



This picture, of a yard in West Carrollton, Ohio, is not doctored, as many assumed when it went viral last spring. I‎t was real. As was the Trump white working-class groundswell. (Alec MacGillis/ProPublica)


In March, I was driving along a road that led from Dayton, Ohio, into its formerly middle-class, now decidedly working-class southwestern suburbs, when I came upon an arresting sight. I was looking for a professional sign-maker who had turned his West Carrollton ranch house into a distribution point for Trump yard signs, in high demand just days prior to the Ohio Republican primary. Instead of piling the signs in the driveway, he had arrayed them in his yard along the road. There they were, dozens and dozens of them, lined up in rows like the uniform gravestones in a military cemetery.

The sign man wasn’t home, but he had left a married couple in charge of the distribution. I got talking to the woman, Contessa Hammel. She was 43 and worked at the convenience store at a local Speedway gas station after four years in the military. And this was the first time she was voting in 25 years of eligibility.

I was startled to hear this — it’s rare to find voters entering the political process after decades of disconnection; in fact, I’d met a handyman in his 70s at a Trump rally on the other side of Dayton that same day who said he was voting for the first time, but I had dismissed it as a fluke.

I asked Hammel why she’d held back all those years. “I didn’t want to make an unintelligent decision,” she said, in a tone that suggested she was well aware of what an admission that was. But this year’s Republican nominee was different, she said. “He makes it simple for people like me,” she said. “He puts it clearly.”

Donald Trump’s stunning win Tuesday, defying all the prognosticators, suggested there were many more people like Hammel out there — people who were so disconnected from the political system that they were literally unaccounted for in the pollsters’ modeling, which relies on past voting behavior.

But Hammel was far from the only person I met in my reporting this year who made me think that Trump had spurred something very unusual. Some of them had never voted before; some had voted for Barack Obama. None were traditional Republican voters. Some were in dire economic straits; others were just a notch up from that and looking down with resentment at the growing dependency around them. What they shared were three things. They lived in places that were in decline, and had been for some time. They lacked strong attachment to either party at a time when, even within a single metro area like Dayton, the parties had sorted themselves into ideological, geographically disparate camps that left many voters unmoored. And they had profound contempt for a dysfunctional, hyper-prosperous Washington that they saw as utterly removed from their lives.

These newly energized voters helped Trump flip not only battlegrounds like Ohio and Iowa but long-blue Northern industrial states — Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin — without which he would have lost to Hillary Clinton. Nationwide, his margin with the white working class soared to 40 points, up 15 points from Romney’s in 2012.

Two days after meeting Hammel, I tagged along with some Trump supporters, women who’d come all the way from Buffalo to go canvassing door-to-door in the adjacent Dayton suburb of Miamisburg. It was a rainy day, and few were answering their doors in this neighborhood of frayed frame houses and bungalows, but they persisted in their yellow ponchos; I couldn’t help but be reminded of the doggedness I’d observed among Obama volunteers in 2008.

At one small house, someone finally answered the door. Tracie St. Martin stepped out onto the porch, a 54-year-old woman with a sturdy, thick-muscled build and sun-weathered face, both of them products of her 26 years as a heavy-construction worker. St. Martin greeted the women warmly, and when they told her what they were there for she said, sure, she was considering Trump — even though she usually voted Democratic. And when they got talking, in the disjointed way of canvassers making a quick pitch, about how Trump was going to bring back the good jobs, St. Martin was visibly affected. She interrupted them, wanting to tell them about how she had, not long ago, worked a job that consisted of demolishing a big local GM plant. Her eyes welled up as she told the story and she had trouble continuing.

The canvassers gave her some materials and bade her farewell. But I doubled back a little later and visited with St. Martin in her kitchen, which she was in the midst of tidying up, with daytime TV playing in the background. Space in the kitchen was tight due to the treadmill she recently bought to help her get into better shape, which she hoped might make her less dependent on the painkillers for the severe aches she got from her physically demanding job, pills that had gotten a lot harder to obtain from her doctor amid the clampdown on prescription opioids.

St. Martin apologized, unnecessarily, for her emotions on the porch and expanded on what she had told the women from Buffalo: She was a proud member of Local 18 of the operating engineers’ union, which had been urging its members to support Hillary Clinton. The union provided her health insurance and decent pay levels, and trained her for demanding work, which, just months earlier, had required her to hang off of a Pennsylvania cliff face in her dozer as part of a gas pipeline project.

She came from a staunch Democratic family and had voted for Barack Obama in 2008, before not voting in 2012 because, she said, she was away on one of her long-term jobs. She was a single mother with three grown daughters. She had experienced all manner of sexual discrimination and harassment on very male-heavy worksites over the years.

She was, in other words, as tailor-made a supporter as one could find for Clinton, a self-professed fighter for the average Jane who was running to become the first woman president.

And yet St. Martin was leaning toward Trump.

Her explanation for this was halting but vehement, spoken with pauses and in bursts. She was disappointed in Obama after having voted for him. “I don’t like the Obama persona, his public appearance and demeanor,” she said. “I wanted people like me to be cared about. People don’t realize there’s nothing without a blue-collar worker.” She regretted that she did not have a deeper grasp of public affairs. “No one that’s voting knows all the facts,” she said. “It’s a shame. They keep us so fucking busy and poor that we don’t have the time.”

When she addressed Clinton herself, it was in a stream that seemed to refer to, but not explicitly name, several of the charges thrown against Clinton by that point in time, including her handling of the deadly 2012 attack by Islamic militants on U.S. facilities in Benghazi, Libya; the potential conflicts of interest at the Clinton Foundation; and her use of a private email server while serving as Secretary of State, mixing national security business with emails to her daughter, Chelsea.

“To have lives be sacrificed because of corporate greed and warmongering, it’s too much for me — and I realize I don’t have all the facts — that there’s just too much sidestepping on her. I don’t trust her. I don’t think that — I know there’s casualties of war in conflict, I’m a big girl, I know that. But I lived my life with no secrets. There’s no shame in the truth. There’s mistakes made. We all grow. She’s a mature woman and she should know that. You don’t email your fucking daughter when you’re a leader. Leaders need to make decisions, they need to be focused. You don’t hide stuff.

“That’s why I like Trump,” she continued. “He’s not perfect. He’s a human being. We all make mistakes. We can all change our mind. We get educated, but once you have the knowledge, you still have to go with your gut.”

Spoiler:

---

For more from Alec MacGillis on the roots of the working-class rebellion, read about the Great Republican Crack-Up, the original underclass and the Democrats’ bad election map.

Charlemagne

When America sneezes…

Donald Trump’s victory is more bad news for the European Union
Nov 12th 2016 | 




WHAT lessons should Europe draw from Donald Trump’s election victory? For those Europeans who believe in American exceptionalism, there may be little to learn. America’s circus-like primaries and gladiatorial presidential contests find few echoes in Europe, and Mr Trump, in all his preening, soufflé-haired glory, is surely a sui generis American phenomenon. Moreover, the electoral college is a peculiar institution. Hillary Clinton seems to have won the popular vote, after all.

But for most European politicians the shock of the American election was compounded by the obvious parallels for their own democracies. Worried leaders tempered their letters of congratulation to Mr Trump with veiled reminders of the transatlantic values many of them believe his victory imperils. Meanwhile Europe’s army of little Trumps, from France to Italy to Hungary, took their own lessons from the result, showering laudatory missives upon the president-elect that had little to do with America and everything to do with the messengers’ own projects of political disruption: if it can happen there, why not here? The “aloof and sleazy establishment is being punished by voters step-by-step,” said Heinz-Christian Strache of Austria’s far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) in his Facebook salute to Mr Trump.  

Europe’s ears have been ringing with wake-up calls for years. Like Tolstoy’s unhappy families, each disaster is different in its own way: the euro crisis set creditor against debtor and tore at the notion of solidarity; Brexit showed that the European Union could shrink as well as grow. After so many traumas in recent years plenty of Europeans were at least braced for this one, even if a Trump presidency is hardly the sort of eventuality one can plan for. Its effects on the EU could, in time, prove profound.

The ascent to the White House of Mr Trump, an admirer of Vladimir Putin who hints that he may abandon America’s NATO allies, poses urgent questions for Europe’s security order. Weakening America’s commitment to NATO could undermine the guarantee of peace that has allowed the EU to pursue its project of integration. But if Mr Trump’s capriciousness makes the geopolitical effects of his presidency hard to predict, the hit to Europe’s self-confidence, already sagging after a string of crises, will be immediate. For the EU is rapidly losing faith in its ability to defend the liberal ideals that Mr Trump’s victory repudiates. So badly has the mood soured that minor successes are now held up as political marvels: Donald Tusk, head of the European Council, heralded a recent trade deal with Canada as a triumph for Western democracy, after last-minute talks barely saved it from death at the hands of a restive regional parliament in Belgium.

But if Mr Trump’s win is a threat to the EU, it will arrive first via the tribunes of national politics. Mr Strache and his ilk will take heart from the poll-defying victory of a man who shares their distaste for elites and their devotion to nation-first tub-thumping. They may even reap electoral rewards, although a short-term flight to political safety is another possibility: support for EU membership has shot up in most countries since Britain voted to leave in June. An early test will come with Austria’s presidential run-off on December 4th, when the FPÖ’s Norbert Hofer squares off against a candidate backed by the Greens.

Yet even outside government the populists can tug other politicians in their direction. By forcing centrists to tack towards the fringe, Mr Trump’s victory may strengthen the trend towards Euroscepticism in countries like France and the Netherlands, both of which hold elections next year. (In Germany Angela Merkel, mercifully, is likely to show more backbone.) That in turn could gum up the workings of the EU, where compromises are essential to oiling a complex piece of machinery with 28 moving parts. Inside the EU the alternative to fudge is not frictionless decision-making, but gridlock and inertia. Eurocrats in Brussels often complain that they are made the scapegoats for the failings of national politicians. They should brace for more of it.

No appetite for destruction


For now, Mr Trump’s win will merely deepen pro-Europeans’ commitment to maintaining unity at all costs. Since Britain’s referendum the remaining governments have been working on lowest-common-denominator projects like an EU border guard and military co-operation to show that they are still capable of getting things done. (Optimists hold that such efforts might actually be boosted by fears of a withdrawal of the American security umbrella.) Similarly, Mr Trump’s win will if anything strengthen Europeans’ resolve to take a tough line in the Brexit talks so that their own populists are not further emboldened.

But there will be casualties, too. First among them will surely be the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), a proposed EU-US deal that was already floundering in the face of opposition in Europe and differences between the two sides. The trade-bashing Mr Trump is hardly going to ride to its rescue; if it dies, or (more likely) enters deep-freeze, so do Europe’s hopes of directing global trade standards. Mr Trump has vowed to withdraw from the climate deal agreed last year in Paris, championed by the EU as a triumph of multilateral diplomacy. Forget about transatlantic co-operation on resettling Syrian refugees.

Yet the deeper fear for many Europeans is that their own long journey of integration is finally running out of steam. The EU is not on the verge of falling apart, Brexit notwithstanding. But Mr Trump’s success shows the potential power of the backlash against the liberal norms the club is supposed to embody, from trade to migration to human rights. If it is replicated in Europe, the EU may eventually tilt towards a common assembly for mutually beneficial transactions rather than a club of like-minded countries with a sense of shared destiny. The tremors from America’s political earthquake were felt across the continent this week. But Europe’s edifice was already tottering.

bela maca wrote:buržuju, plaćaš da čitaš wsj...

Spoiler:

Gargantua wrote:
The ascent to the White House of Mr Trump, an admirer of Vladimir Putin who hints that he may abandon America’s NATO allies, poses urgent questions for Europe’s security order.

What So Many People Don’t Get About the U.S. Working Class

• Joan C. Williams
  

My father-in-law grew up eating blood soup. He hated it, whether because of the taste or the humiliation, I never knew. His alcoholic father regularly drank up the family wage, and the family was often short on food money. They were evicted from apartment after apartment.


He dropped out of school in eighth grade to help support the family. Eventually he got a good, steady job he truly hated, as an inspector in a factory that made those machines that measure humidity levels in museums. He tried to open several businesses on the side but none worked, so he kept that job for 38 years. He rose from poverty to a middle-class life: the car, the house, two kids in Catholic school, the wife who worked only part-time. He worked incessantly. He had two jobs in addition to his full-time position, one doing yard work for a local magnate and another hauling trash to the dump.


Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, he read The Wall Street Journal and voted Republican. He was a man before his time: a blue-collar white man who thought the union was a bunch of jokers who took your money and never gave you anything in return. Starting in 1970, many blue-collar whites followed his example. This week, their candidate won the presidency.


For months, the only thing that’s surprised me about Donald Trump is my friends’ astonishment at his success. What’s driving it is the class culture gap.


One little-known element of that gap is that the white working class (WWC) resents professionals but admires the rich. Class migrants (white-collar professionals born to blue-collar families) report that “professional people were generally suspect” and that managers are college kids “who don’t know shit about how to do anything but are full of ideas about how I have to do my job,” said Alfred Lubrano in Limbo. Barbara Ehrenreich recalled in 1990 that her blue-collar dad “could not say the word doctor without the virtual prefix quack. Lawyers were shysters…and professors were without exception phonies.” Annette Lareau found tremendous resentment against teachers, who were perceived as condescending and unhelpful.


Michèle Lamont, in The Dignity of Working Men, also found resentment of professionals — but not of the rich. “ can’t knock anyone for succeeding,” a laborer told her. “There’s a lot of people out there who are wealthy and I’m sure they worked darned hard for every cent they have,” chimed in a receiving clerk. Why the difference? For one thing, most blue-collar workers have little direct contact with the rich outside of Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous. But professionals order them around every day. The dream is not to become upper-middle-class, with its different food, family, and friendship patterns; the dream is to live in your own class milieu, where you feel comfortable — just with more money. “The main thing is to be independent and give your own orders and not have to take them from anybody else,” a machine operator told Lamont. Owning one’s own business — that’s the goal. That’s another part of Trump’s appeal.


Hillary Clinton, by contrast, epitomizes the dorky arrogance and smugness of the professional elite. The dorkiness: the pantsuits. The arrogance: the email server. The smugness: the basket of deplorables. Worse, her mere presence rubs it in that even women from her class can treat working-class men with disrespect. Look at how she condescends to Trump as unfit to hold the office of the presidency and dismisses his supporters as racist, sexist, homophobic, or xenophobic.
Trump’s blunt talk taps into another blue-collar value: straight talk. “Directness is a working-class norm,” notes Lubrano. As one blue-collar guy told him, “If you have a problem with me, come talk to me. If you have a way you want something done, come talk to me. I don’t like people who play these two-faced games.” Straight talk is seen as requiring manly courage, not being “a total wuss and a wimp,” an electronics technician told Lamont. Of course Trump appeals. Clinton’s clunky admission that she talks one way in public and another in private? Further proof she’s a two-faced phony.


Manly dignity is a big deal for working-class men, and they’re not feeling that they have it. Trump promises a world free of political correctness and a return to an earlier era, when men were men and women knew their place. It’s comfort food for high-school-educated guys who could have been my father-in-law if they’d been born 30 years earlier. Today they feel like losers — or did until they met Trump.


Manly dignity is a big deal for most men. So is breadwinner status: Many still measure masculinity by the size of a paycheck. White working-class men’s wages hit the skids in the 1970s and took another body blow during the Great Recession. Look, I wish manliness worked differently. But most men, like most women, seek to fulfill the ideals they’ve grown up with. For many blue-collar men, all they’re asking for is basic human dignity (male varietal). Trump promises to deliver it.


The Democrats’ solution? Last week the New York Times published an article advising men with high-school educations to take pink-collar jobs. Talk about insensitivity. Elite men, you will notice, are not flooding into traditionally feminine work. To recommend that for WWC men just fuels class anger.


Isn’t what happened to Clinton unfair? Of course it is. It is unfair that she wasn’t a plausible candidate until she was so overqualified she was suddenly unqualified due to past mistakes. It is unfair that Clinton is called a “nasty woman” while Trump is seen as a real man. It’s unfair that Clinton only did so well in the first debate because she wrapped her candidacy in a shimmy of femininity. When she returned to attack mode, it was the right thing for a presidential candidate to do but the wrong thing for a woman to do. The election shows that sexism retains a deeper hold that most imagined. But women don’t stand together: WWC women voted for Trump over Clinton by a whopping 28-point margin — [url=http://www.newyorker.com/news/john-cassidy/how-donald-trump-became-president-elect?mbid=nl_Daily Newsletter 091716][/url]62% to 34%. If they’d split 50-50, she would have won.

Class trumps gender, and it’s driving American politics. Policy makers of both parties — but particularly Democrats if they are to regain their majorities — need to remember five major points.

Understand That Working Class Means Middle Class, Not Poor

The terminology here can be confusing. When progressives talk about the working class, typically they mean the poor. But the poor, in the bottom 30% of American families, are very different from Americans who are literally in the middle: the middle 50% of families whose median income was $64,000 in 2008. That is the true “middle class,” and they call themselves either “middle class” or “working class.”


“The thing that really gets me is that Democrats try to offer policies (paid sick leave! minimum wage!) that would help the working class,” a friend just wrote me. A few days’ paid leave ain’t gonna support a family. Neither is minimum wage. WWC men aren’t interested in working at McDonald’s for $15 per hour instead of $9.50. What they want is what my father-in-law had: steady, stable, full-time jobs that deliver a solid middle-class life to the 75% of Americans who don’t have a college degree. Trump promises that. I doubt he’ll deliver, but at least he understands what they need.

Understand Working-Class Resentment of the Poor

Remember when President Obama sold Obamacare by pointing out that it delivered health care to 20 million people? Just another program that taxed the middle class to help the poor, said the WWC, and in some cases that’s proved true: The poor got health insurance while some Americans just a notch richer saw their premiums rise.


Progressives have lavished attention on the poor for over a century. That (combined with other factors) led to social programs targeting them. Means-tested programs that help the poor but exclude the middle may keep costs and tax rates lower, but they are a recipe for class conflict. Example: 28.3% of poor families receive child-care subsidies, which are largely nonexistent for the middle class. So my sister-in-law worked full-time for Head Start, providing free child care for poor women while earning so little that she almost couldn’t pay for her own. She resented this, especially the fact that some of the kids’ moms did not work. One arrived late one day to pick up her child, carrying shopping bags from Macy’s. My sister-in-law was livid.


J.D. Vance’s much-heralded Hillbilly Elegy captures this resentment. Hard-living families like that of Vance’s mother live alongside settled families like that of his biological father. While the hard-living succumb to despair, drugs, or alcohol, settled families keep to the straight and narrow, like my parents-in-law, who owned their home and sent both sons to college. To accomplish that, they lived a life of rigorous thrift and self-discipline. Vance’s book passes harsh judgment on his hard-living relatives, which is not uncommon among settled families who kept their nose clean through sheer force of will. This is a second source of resentment against the poor.
Other books that get at this are Hard Living on Clay Street (1972) and Working-Class Heroes (2003).

Understand How Class Divisions Have Translated into Geography

The best advice I’ve seen so far for Democrats is the recommendation that hipsters move to Iowa. Class conflict now closely tracks the urban-rural divide. In the huge red plains between the thin blue coasts, shockingly high numbers of working-class men are unemployed or on disability, fueling a wave of despair deaths in the form of the opioid epidemic.


Vast rural areas are withering away, leaving trails of pain. When did you hear any American politician talk about that? Never.
Jennifer Sherman’s Those Who Work, Those Who Don’t (2009) covers this well.

If You Want to Connect with White Working-Class Voters, Place Economics at the Center

“The white working class is just so stupid. Don’t they realize Republicans just use them every four years, and then screw them?” I have heard some version of this over and over again, and it’s actually a sentiment the WWC agrees with, which is why they rejected the Republican establishment this year. But to them, the Democrats are no better.


Both parties have supported free-trade deals because of the net positive GDP gains, overlooking the blue-collar workers who lost work as jobs left for Mexico or Vietnam. These are precisely the voters in the crucial swing states of Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania that Democrats have so long ignored. Excuse me. Who’s stupid?


One key message is that trade deals are far more expensive than we’ve treated them, because sustained job development and training programs need to be counted as part of their costs.

At a deeper level, both parties need an economic program that can deliver middle-class jobs. Republicans have one: Unleash American business. Democrats? They remain obsessed with cultural issues. I fully understand why transgender bathrooms are important, but I also understand why progressives’ obsession with prioritizing cultural issues infuriates many Americans whose chief concerns are economic.


Back when blue-collar voters used to be solidly Democratic (1930–1970), good jobs were at the core of the progressive agenda. A modern industrial policy would follow Germany’s path. (Want really good scissors? Buy German.) Massive funding is needed for community college programs linked with local businesses to train workers for well-paying new economy jobs. Clinton mentioned this approach, along with 600,000 other policy suggestions. She did not stress it.

Avoid the Temptation to Write Off Blue-Collar Resentment as Racism

Economic resentment has fueled racial anxiety that, in some Trump supporters (and Trump himself), bleeds into open racism. But to write off WWC anger as nothing more than racism is intellectual comfort food, and it is dangerous.


National debates about policing are fueling class tensions today in precisely the same way they did in the 1970s, when college kids derided policemen as “pigs.” This is a recipe for class conflict. Being in the police is one of the few good jobs open to Americans without a college education. Police get solid wages, great benefits, and a respected place in their communities. For elites to write them off as racists is a telling example of how, although race- and sex-based insults are no longer acceptable in polite society, class-based insults still are.


I do not defend police who kill citizens for selling cigarettes. But the current demonization of the police underestimates the difficulty of ending police violence against communities of color. Police need to make split-second decisions in life-threatening situations. I don’t. If I had to, I might make some poor decisions too.


Saying this is so unpopular that I risk making myself a pariah among my friends on the left coast. But the biggest risk today for me and other Americans is continued class cluelessness. If we don’t take steps to bridge the class culture gap, when Trump proves unable to bring steel back to Youngstown, Ohio, the consequences could turn dangerous.


In 2010, while on a book tour for Reshaping the Work-Family Debate, I gave a talk about all of this at the Harvard Kennedy School. The woman who ran the speaker series, a major Democratic operative, liked my talk. “You are saying exactly what the Democrats need to hear,” she mused, “and they’ll never listen.” I hope now they will.

Kinder Lad wrote:

plachkica wrote:Ali pitanje je, kako tako lako?
Hajde kod nas, prilično je jednostavno objašnjenje, naše društvo je novo u pc svetu,
promoteri su bili prilično non-pc u promovisanju pc ponašanja.
Siromašni smo, ratovi tranzicija, bla bla bla.
Ali kako se to dešava u društvima kao što je britansko, francusko, pa i usa društvo?

svako placa racune za struju, vodu, rente, rate i ostalo. ovo je cisto ekonomski tj ajd da kazemo "klasni" problem, ko god se hvata za "kulturu" muti vodu namerno ili slucajno, to je posledica, to normalna, ocekivana rezultanta raslojavanja. nesto mora da se promeni, and fast, ako nije kasno i za to. mislim, nemojmo se zajebavati, ovo vodi u oruzane sukobe i ratove.

No Country wrote:

Kinder Lad wrote:

svako placa racune za struju, vodu, rente, rate i ostalo. ovo je cisto ekonomski tj ajd da kazemo "klasni" problem, ko god se hvata za "kulturu" muti vodu namerno ili slucajno, to je posledica, to normalna, ocekivana rezultanta raslojavanja. nesto mora da se promeni, and fast, ako nije kasno i za to. mislim, nemojmo se zajebavati, ovo vodi u oruzane sukobe i ratove.

Мало је проблем што у савременој Америци није баш лако повући јасне границе између класа. У неку руку је управо Трамп помогао, сада се о одједном прича о заборављеним "blue collar workers", итд. Класна свест је у Америци првенствено носталгија за "бољим временима" и пропуштеним шансама, а и ту опасно клизи у кич the American dream-a. 

Оно што постоји, да пробамо класну анализу, то су:

1) Outcasts: white trash, бескућници, гетоизирани црнци, и сл.
2) Сиромашни прекаријат: бивша радничка класа, млади, recent immigrants
3) Богатији прекаријат: тзв. professionals. Програмери, маркетари, инжињери, професори (мада њих има и сиромашних), итд. Мислим да би се већина Бурунђана овде пронашла.
4) Establishment: мање-више point-one-percenters' house neggroes. Ту су и спортисти и остали забављачи/ celebrities. ВП-јеви компанија, политичари...
5) Газде

Основни проблем је у томе што "класе" 1), 2) и 3) манијачки купују све оно што 5) производи (у Кини), а продаје уз помоћ 4). Тако да нису грађани, него потрошачи. Евентуално им понекад допизди па се побуне, џилитну. Battle of Seattle, Occupy, Обама, Берни, Трамп... are just spasms. Пирамида је иначе стабилна, свако је ту нашао своје место и интерес. Има да гурамо овако све док промењена клима не крене да нас масовно убија.

Donald Trump will begin tackling the issue of illegal immigration by rounding up and deporting undocumented immigrants with criminal records, a group that he estimates at 2 million to 3 million people, the president-elect said in an interview to air Sunday night.
“What we are going to do is get the people that are criminal and have criminal records, gang members, drug dealers, where a lot of these people, probably 2 million, it could be even 3 million, we are getting them out of our country or we are going to incarcerate,” he said in the interview, to air on “60 Minutes” on CBS.

Pržun wrote:Hm, da li ce sustici Obamin tempo od 400.000 godisnje?