Mala istorijska biblioteka

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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Guest on Sat 22 Apr 2017, 20:13

hteo sam da kupim Revisiting Napoleon’s Continental System Local, Regional and European Experiences, al sad vidim da kosta 105 dolara, pa imam tri pitanja:

a)jel od zlata?
b)jel postanes Napoleon kad procitas?
c)jel ima neko u elektronskoj formi?
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Filipenko on Sat 22 Apr 2017, 20:18

Ima ebook za 80 dolara. 




Nema na čemu.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by William Murderface on Sat 22 Apr 2017, 20:21



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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Wed 17 May 2017, 00:13

Može i ovde a može i na muziku.

Pretpostavljam da većina zna za ovaj blog:

ZVUCI JUGOSLAVIJE


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by паће on Wed 17 May 2017, 00:37

Hubert de Montmirail wrote:Može i ovde a može i na muziku.

Pretpostavljam da većina zna za ovaj blog:

ZVUCI JUGOSLAVIJE

Ех, још из тамоа. Тип је упоран преко сваке мере. Мало пресерује са југоносталгијом, ал' прашта му се.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Gargantua on Sat 24 Jun 2017, 13:12

Branko Milanović o Tooze-ovoj knjizi The Deluge. Kindere, za tebe (i knjiga u linku dole)


The war for democracy and peace: a review of Adam Tooze’s “The deluge: The Great War, America and the remaking of the world order”



There are at least three ways to look at the period around the end and just after the World War I, from 1916 to the early 1920s, which provides both chronologically (in terms of the years covered) as well in terms of the relative size of the book, the core of Adam Tooze’s “Deluge”.

The first approach is “imperialist-socialist”. Not only is the cause of the war seen to lie in imperialist competition, but the carnage of the war as well as inequitable peace that followed it, are used as illustrations of the predatory nature of capitalism. Successful socialist revolution in Russia, and the failed ones in Germany, Austria, and Hungary, are only a natural response to such a system and a pointer of the better days to come. In other words, socialist revolutions directly emerge from the womb of rotting capitalism.

The second approach is “realistic”. The Great War is viewed like many others in the past and those that are yet to come, as a struggle of great powers for pre-eminence in Europe and the world. Most books written around the hundredth anniversary of the War’s outbreak fall in that category.

Adam Tooze’s book belongs to the “democratic” strand. The war is seen through the prism of the struggle of democratic powers (with Russia uneasily aligned with England and France) against militarist autocracies of Germany and Austria-Hungary.

Putting democracy at the center-stage provides coherence to the book and clarifies the narrative. Not unlike in the “imperialist-socialist” narrative where the revolution is the “rightful” culmination of the war, here the same role is played  by democracy. Tooze discusses in some detail the democratic transformations of Russia in February 1917, Germany in October-November 1918 and China in 1913 and 1917. He describes a number of episodes that are perhaps not sufficiently well-known, such as the fact that Russian election for the Constituent Assembly (that was, after the elections, unceremoniously dissolved  by the Bolsheviks) was the largest exercise to date in mass democracy with three times as many voters as in the American 1916 Presidential election or that the number of voters in China exceeded 20 million vs. only 1 million in Japan.

But using as the central theme the struggle that pitted the “freedom loving” peoples of the United States, France and England against the Central Powers has its limitation.

The first is the already noted incongruent role of Tsarist Russia as a key ally. Such alliance can be much more easily explained by the appeal either to the “imperialist-socialist” narrative or to the “realistic” narrative. Within Tooze’s approach, the February revolution plays the role that the October revolution plays in the “imperialist-socialist” narrative. The February revolution transformed Russia from an autocracy to democracy and thus provided, Tooze argues, consistency to the natural alignment of democracies against autocracies. But every realist could equally (or perhaps more) persuasively argue that the Entente’s support for the Provisional Government had much less to do with democracy than with Anglo-French hopes that Russia will remain in the war and not sign a separate peace with Germany. Likewise, the intervention of the Western Powers and Japan against the Bolsheviks  can be more easily explained by the fear of socialist contamination or by great power politics (approaches 1 or 2) than as a war of Western democracies against a nascent dictatorship.

The “democratic” narrative becomes quite threadbare when the question of  the peace with Germany and Austria-Hungary emerges. Suddenly, the new democratic, and presumably “freedom-loving”,  Germany is severely punished for the crimes of Kaiser’s regime with which its population and the freely-elected political class (the coalition of SPD, Liberals and Centrists) have decisively broken off. The inconsistencies pile up: if the war is waged for democracy why is the new Germany not treated as an equal of France and England? If the war should lead to “peace without victory” as Wilson famously claimed, why did Versailles treaty look like a Carthaginian peace, or to use a closer contemporary example, why was it so similar to the Brest-Litovsk peace that a militaristic Germany imposed upon Russia? Was not the zone of German influence in Northern and Eastern Europe envisaged in Brest-Litovsk  replicated in the French-dominated “cordon sanitaire” directed against Germany? If the war was fought for the right of national self-determination, why were many peoples denied it, many decisions so clearly made in breach of the principle, from absence of the plebiscite in Alsace and Lorraine to the ban of Austria ever rejoining Germany, not to speak of the non-existent right of self-determination for Africa and Asia, whose soldiers, paradoxically, played such a big role in Western allies’ victory?

What the Entente powers and the US did was, in the words that Harold Nicolson in “Peace-Making 1919” acribes to Italian observers, “to feel in terms of Thomas Jefferson but to act in terms of Alexander Hamilton”, in other words to divorce their rhetoric from policies. Hence the not unreasonable charge of hypocrisy that Adam Tooze, indirectly, tries to explain away.

There are two other aspects of this extremely well-researched, erudite and well-written book, that may be worth mentioning.  One is the reassessment of Woodrow Wilson. In most of the books I have read (and this may not be an entirely random sample of the literature) he comes very close to the portrait immortally drawn of him by Keynes: a pretentious, preaching hypocrite. In Adam Tooze, Wilson has a much more sympathetic observer who, while not excusing all of his many wrong decisions, is cognizant of the conditions of the time and exigencies of politics. These “wrong” decisions do not affect the basic thrust of what Woodrow Wilson, according to Tooze, stood for: democracy, anti-imperialism, and a qualified national self-determination. Very American, moralistic foreign policy, with the warts and all, but still basically right—so much so that one would not be remiss to draw a straight line from Woodrow Wilson to Carter to Obama.

The second topic is Tooze’s description of America’s (somewhat) reluctant rise to the pinnacle of world power. Tooze argues that the global power of the United States was never as high as in 1918-19. Not in 1945, when, although economically even more powerful than at the end of World War I, it had to face the Soviet Union; not even in 1989, after a victory in the Cold War, when the Chinese challenge was already looming on the horizon.

At the end of each of the three big wars that the US waged in the past 100 years and which it all won, its power peaked, but never so much as at the end of the First War. That this power was in the subsequent twenty years dissipated and wasted because of many domestic and foreign policy mistakes is a part of the book with which I cannot deal here but is also a part that today’s US policy-makers (if any of them have the intellectual stamina to read Tooze’s book) may well be advised to reflect on.



Spoiler:
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ostap bender on Sun 25 Jun 2017, 22:02

volerstajn o brodelu

Femand Braudel asked us to take seriously the concept of capitalism as a way of
organizing and analyzing the history of the modem world, at least since the
fifteenth century. He was not alone in this view, of course. But his approach must
be said to have been an unusual one, for he developed a theoretical framework
which went against the two theses that both of the two great antagonistic
worldviews of the nineteenth century, classical liberalism and classical Marxism,
considered central to their approach. First, most liberals and most Marxists have
argued that capitalism involved above all the establishment of a free, competitive
market. Braudel saw capitalism instead as the system of the antimarket (contremarche').Second, liberals and most Marxists have argued that capitalists were the great practitioners of economic specialization. Braudel believed instead that the
essential feature of successful capitalists was their refusal to specialize.
Thus, Braudel viewed capitalism in a way that, in the eyes of most of his
colleagues, could only be termed seeing it "upside down." I shall try to expound
clearly what I take to be Braudel's central arguments and then attempt to analyze
the implications of this reconceptualization for present and future work and to
assess its importance.  




4shared.com/office/7u6WowTyca/259358789-WALLERSTEIN-Immanuel.html


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Kinder Lad on Sun 25 Jun 2017, 22:04

Iju


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ostap bender on Sun 25 Jun 2017, 22:05

pa nikada nisam citao ovaj volerstajnov tekst a dosta je dobra sumarizacija centralnih brodelovih teza o kapitalizmu.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Kinder Lad on Sun 25 Jun 2017, 22:12

odnosi se i na tvoj i na gargantuin post


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ontheotherhand on Mon 26 Jun 2017, 20:26

Neko na PPP kaže da je Volerštajnova teorija o centru i periferiji kapitalističkog sistema pseudo nauka.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by паће on Mon 26 Jun 2017, 20:42

ontheotherhand wrote:Neko na PPP kaže da je Volerštajnova teorija o centru i periferiji kapitalističkog sistema pseudo nauka.

А као примере праве науке је навео... кога то?


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ontheotherhand on Mon 26 Jun 2017, 21:05

Ništa, samo to.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ostap bender on Mon 26 Jun 2017, 22:57

ontheotherhand wrote:Neko na PPP kaže da je Volerštajnova teorija o centru i periferiji kapitalističkog sistema pseudo nauka.

hazard?


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ostap bender on Mon 26 Jun 2017, 23:01

mislim budalastine. mozes se neslagati ali to pausalno odbacivanje je odlika glupih ljudi. zapravo, podrobno ideologizovanih. prava deca devedesetih.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ontheotherhand on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 19:10

Jok, Luther.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Gargantua on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:04

umro dušan bataković

nemam gde drugde pa ajd da napišem ovde
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by William Murderface on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:06

Jbg, nije bio star covek. Meni izgledao vitalno.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by mstislaw on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:12

Takođe. I kao da sam negde skoro video, ali verovatno grešim.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Gargantua on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:13

61. godina, težak srčani bolesnik, imao je više udara.
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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by William Murderface on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:14

Nisam to znao. Mlad covek bre.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by ostap bender on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 20:32

izgledao starije


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Filipenko on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 22:31

Gargantua wrote:umro dušan bataković


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by diktotar on Tue 27 Jun 2017, 22:38

kazu ogroman gubitak za srbiju


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Wed 28 Jun 2017, 16:40

Ko nije ranije nek obavezno pročita od Živka Topalovića knjigu Srbija pod Dražom. Čovek je verovatno nehotice perfektno opisao kakva je to bila bulumenta.


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Re: Mala istorijska biblioteka

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