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    Kapitalizam 101

    Filipenko

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    Post by Filipenko Wed Aug 16, 2017 12:03 am

    Blind Lime Pie wrote:Čitam Mijata Lakićevića koji brani Ikeu od R. Dinića i D. Ilića i pominje uspeh te kompanije u "oštroj međunarodnoj konkurenciji" pa sam se zainteresovao za njen način poslovanja. Ispostavilo se da IKEA uopšte nije klasična kompanija, već humanitarno udruženje posvećeno napretku arhitekture i dizajna enerijera.  Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 3579118792 To određuje i njenu poresku stopu u matičnoj zemlji  - 3.5%.

    Zaista se može učiti od kompanije IKEA: kako zadržati imidž društveno odgovorne kompanije a parazitirati na tkivu društva.

    http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2014/11/ikea-swedish-furniturecompanyidentitytaxavoidance.html





    Dojavi im to, ima da ih rastave na proste činioce.
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    Post by ♏ Wed Aug 16, 2017 3:16 am

    Microsoft je humanitarno udruženje posvećeno napretku personalnih računara i dizajna kernela operativnih sistema.
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    Post by ♏ Wed Aug 16, 2017 3:30 am

    Blind Lime Pie wrote:Zaista se može učiti od kompanije IKEA: kako zadržati imidž društveno odgovorne kompanije a parazitirati na tkivu društva.

    Linkovano je i ovo na Wikiju: http://paperjam.lu/sites/default/files/report_ikea_tax_avoidance_feb2016.pdf
    паће

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    Post by паће Wed Aug 16, 2017 3:59 am

    ♏ wrote:Microsoft je humanitarno udruženje posvećeno napretku personalnih računara i dizajna kernela operativnih sistema.

    Под условом да се сви ти оперативни системи зову Пенџери.


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    Bluberi

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    Post by Bluberi Sat Aug 19, 2017 4:37 am

    Neoliberalism: the idea that swallowed the world
    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sat Aug 19, 2017 9:35 am

    Samo je mogao malo bolje da završi. Izuzev toga - odlično. 

    Hayek stated that if the Conservative leader had said "...that free choice is to be exercised more in the market place than in the ballot box, she has merely uttered the truism that the first is indispensable for individual freedom while the second is not: free choice can at least exist under a dictatorship that can limit itself but not under the government of an unlimited democracy which cannot."

    https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Friedrich_Hayek

    Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 55f2cb3a-1384-4838-a821-71110a0a0a6c-pin4


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    Korisnik
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    Post by ontheotherhand Sun Aug 20, 2017 6:41 am

    Kuća poso, poso kuća.

    A 2:15 Alarm, 2 Trains and a Bus Get Her to Work by 7 A.M.

    Like many in the housing-starved San Francisco region, Sheila James has moved far inland, gaining affordable space at the price of a brutal commute.
    Erős Pista

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    Post by Erős Pista Sun Aug 20, 2017 6:46 am

    Jezivo. Bas danas citam tekst o Polanjiju

    Reading Polanyi is admittedly a frustrating experience. He mixes high theory, historical narrative, and overheated journalistic polemic into a distinct mélange. Yet at the center of his thinking is a brilliant idea: that the three core “inputs” of the economy—labor, land, and money—are what he calls “fictitious” commodities. By this, Polanyi means that, try as we might, workers are never going to move at a moment’s notice to wherever markets dictate, markets aren’t going to replenish rivers and fields, and governments will bail out banks to keep money flowing. To take one not-exactly-random example: Since land, to Polanyi, is more than just a resource for market exchange, so too will housing only ever be a partial commodity. Access to housing is a vital interest, and so democracies will face pressure to introduce a variety of regulations that “distort” housing markets. So, it is hardly surprising that the financial crisis was centered on mortgages—try as we might, we will never get housing markets to be the smooth, frictionless edifices imagined by economists. A house cannot be moved like a bushel of wheat. Adelman misses the significance of these arguments because he reduces Polanyi’s thinking to the binary of morality or markets. But the central opposition, for Polanyi, is democracy or markets. Democratic demands for social protection conflict with the dictates of the market, a fact that is ever more apparent in our era of financial capitalism.
    http://democracyjournal.org/alcove/how-not-to-criticize-karl-polanyi/


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    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:02 am

    Ma to su sve gluposti. Da bi tržište regulisalo SVE, onda država mora bukvalno da ne postoji. Međutim, ako država ne postoji, onda ne postoji ni tržište. Jer u prisustvu države nemoguće je da tržište SVE reguliše, jer je država regulator sui generis, to joj je neizbrisiva priroda.


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    Erős Pista

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    Post by Erős Pista Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:09 am

    Ja se slazem, ali kao sto se vidi i iz (inace odlicnog) teksta koji je Bluberi okacio i iz ovog o Polanjiju, problem je u tome da se trzisna logika spontano siri na sve ostalo i guta demokratiju, drzavu itd. Te stvari nuzno dolaze u sukob jer trziste ne moze prosto da ostane na svom "propisanom" mestu.


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    "Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."

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    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:37 am

    William Murderface wrote:Ja se slazem, ali kao sto se vidi i iz (inace odlicnog) teksta koji je Bluberi okacio i iz ovog o Polanjiju, problem je u tome da se trzisna logika spontano siri na sve ostalo i guta demokratiju, drzavu itd. Te stvari nuzno dolaze u sukob jer trziste ne moze prosto da ostane na svom "propisanom" mestu.

    Demokratiju da proguta moze, ali drzavu mislim da je nemoguce da proguta, jedino sto to onda prestaje da bude demokratska drzava. I to je naravno, najveci problem.


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    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:39 am

    btw, to ne bih zvao trzisnom logikom, nego trzisnom ideologijom ili ideologijom (apsolutnog) primata trzista. Zavrsava u marketism-u u svakom slucaju.


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    Erős Pista

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    Post by Erős Pista Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:43 am

    Naravno da postoji ideologija koja to zastupa, ali Polanji govori upravo o sirenju trzisne logike - nagrade, zasluge, pravicnosti, itd. Nesklad izmedju trzisne koncepcije ovih stvari i drugih koncepcija istih stvari proizvodi tenzije koje se resavaju daljom marketizacijom.


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    "Oni kroz mene gledaju u vas! Oni kroz njega gledaju u vas! Oni kroz vas gledaju u mene... i u sve nas."

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    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sun Aug 20, 2017 7:48 am

    Citam sad ovo o Polanyiju Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 1143415371


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    Kinder Lad

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    Post by Kinder Lad Sun Aug 20, 2017 8:02 am

    Our order is in crisis because it has failed to deliver on its own promise of widely distributed, real growth. For Polanyi, the central problem was how to channel the reaction to such inevitable failures in a democratic rather than authoritarian direction. Polanyi saw many different avenues toward this goal, including Roosevelt’s New Deal. Today, of course, we face different political conditions, but many similar problems: a massively exploitative consumer credit “marketplace,” the degraded power of workers, and flows of speculative capital that undermine democracy. Tackling these issues, though, will require a more foundational rethink of a global institutional order that facilitates market exchange above all else.



    Da, tacno. Medjutim "global institutional order" je - nemoguc. Prosto je nemoguc u ovom ili bilo kom iole vremenski bliskom trenutku. Resenja kao sto su new deal moraju, prosto moraju, da imaju okvir (politicki okvir, a time i geografski) u okviru koga se sprovode. Sta je taj okvir? Posto "globalni" - sigurno nije.


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    Korisnik
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    Post by ontheotherhand Sat Aug 26, 2017 2:13 am

    http://pescanik.net/banke-trezori-nepoverenja/


    Mračno nasleđe krize sada se postepeno prekraja. Prošle sedmice dva američka fonda za nekretnine integrisala su se u kompaniju sa 82.000 nekretnina koje su za bagatelu otkupljivali od banaka kao hipotekarnu zaplenu za neplaćene kredite u vreme krize. Visok profit koji se sada može očekivati od pravovremene hazardne kupovine očituje se u berzanskoj proceni kompanije na 20 milijardi dolara, što je dva i po puta više nego što su iznosile prošlogodišnje aktive oba fonda zajedno. Zaposlenost se vratila u Ameriku; istina realne plate i produktivnost stagniraju, no sve više ljudi smirenije živi i ima volje da kupuje. Banke su čak u boljem stanju nego pre krize – bolje su kapitalizovane „novcem poreskih obveznika“, dakako. Jedino što su neugodno doživele i one i ceo finansijski sektor, i politika, i ekonomska elita, jeste gubitak moralnog poverenja, što njih ne baca u preveliku brigu.

    Prema procenama Bank of England, prvih deset investicionih banaka u svetu imaju godišnju aktivu od 7.488 milijardi dolara. Pred takvom sumom svaka politika pada na kolena. Kad se nagomilaju toliki novac i moći, onda je sasvim umesno pitanje koje je londonski The Economist postavio u naslov teksta: „Odakle može doći sledeća kriza?“ Njihova analiza pokazuje da su se spregom finansijskog sektora i politike dugovi, dubioze, nenaplaćena potraživanja… jednostavno preselili iz banaka u države. Ukupni javni dugovi država u sveti iznose danas 217.000 milijardi dolara, što je porast od 327 odsto u odnosu na stanje iz 2008. godine. Ako je stanje takvo, onda banke i računovodstveno drže države u šaci, jer su one te koje poseduju dugove država. Sve zajedno je u pitanju neverovatna finansijska alhemija. No tema nije političko-etička, nego gde će prvo da pukne. Berluskonijev nekadašnji ministar finansija prof. dr. Đulio Tremonti, autor „kreativnih finansija“, panično je neki dan upozorio: „Ko ima novca u bankama neka ih vadi dok još može“. Ozbiljniji skreću pažnju na ogromne kineske unutrašnje dugove, procenjene na 290 odsto njihovog BDP-a. Ako taj balon eksplodira, zatrešće se ceo svet. Problem je toliki da je glavna tema o kojoj će se raspravljati na predstojećem kongresu kineske Komunističke partije.
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    Post by ontheotherhand Tue Sep 05, 2017 7:06 am

    Gen Vexed


    Malcolm Harris’s new book on how capitalism has shaped millennials



    EMMETT RENSIN





    Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 Cover00


    The most essential passage in Kids These Days, Malcolm Harris’s new book on the “making of millennials,” does not appear until its 113th page and is not really about millennials at all. “When history teachers talk about government policy decisions, they tend to use the progressive frame: The government improves things over time,” he writes.

    While liberals think conservatives slow down or rewind progress, and conservatives are only willing to accept government policy forty or fifty years after its implementation (at which point they want an equal share of the credit), both agree that America is improving itself and improving the world as it goes. This simplistic historical perspective doesn’t jibe with reality: Somehow, things got worse.

    Kids These Days
     is about what got worse. It is a book about late capitalism, or at least capitalism, lately, about how the economic and political forces that have dominated the past thirty years of American life have conspired to produce a generation more managed, exploited, and uncertain than those that came before. It is a book about millennials, but for Harris millennials are only the symptom: They are what happen when you bring up an entire generation under the demands of a precarious economy. Despite the relentless, if divergent, optimism of America’s sanctioned political actors and institutions, even today’s winners are less secure and stable than those of the twentieth century’s economy. Some have adapted better than others—securing good diplomas and stable jobs, even a mortgage or some savings—but, as Harris writes, “Adapting to a messed-up world messes you up, whether you remain functional or not.”


    Harris’s approach is simple. So simple, in fact, that it is difficult to believe nobody has written this book before, although it is fortunate that Harris—who manages to be quick and often funny without sacrificing rigor—is the author who ultimately took up the task. In fewer than three hundred pages, he surveys the myriad hot takes on millennials—they’re lazy, they’re entitled, they’re narcissists who buy avocado toast instead of homes, slacking on Snapchat at their unpaid internships—and asks, “Why?” That is, What actually happened to you materially, politically, and socially if you had the poor luck of being born between 1980 and 2000? What kind of education system and labor force and nation raised you? In keeping with his materialist outlook, Harris argues that society molds each generation to fit its economy, to produce the kinds of debtors and workers required to service the needs of its most powerful members. What, then, were the economic factors that shaped millennials?

    ...


    “Over the past forty years we have witnessed an accelerated and historically unprecedented pace of change as capitalism emerged as the single dominant mode of organizing society,” Harris writes in his introduction. He continues:

    It’s a system based on speed, and the speed is always increasing. Capitalism changes lives for the same reason people breathe: It has to in order to survive. Lately, this system has started to hyperventilate: It’s desperate to find anything that hasn’t yet been reengineered to maximize profit, and then it makes those changes as quickly as possible. . . . In order to fully recognize the scope of these changes, we need to think about young people the way industry and the government already do: as investments, productive machinery, “human capital.”

    The story of Kids These Days is the story of this “human capital,” and of millennials as the products of an economy designed to cultivate that capital at every stage of life. It begins in childhood, when kids corralled by standardized tests, psychiatric intervention, and punitive zero-tolerance policies—backed up by armed police stationed in public schools—must work harder than ever to appeal to an increasingly selective and expensive set of universities thought to improve job prospects. (“Risk management used to be a business practice,” Harris writes, but “now it’s our dominant child-rearing strategy.”) For those who evade draconian disciplinary measures, imprisonment, or poverty, the process continues at the university level, where students take on massive debt obligations—essentially, capital investments in their future earnings—and then compete (often without success) for jobs that can pay off those loans. Finally, millennials enter the workforce, where unpaid internships and low job security shift the cost of training onto employees, and each individual learns to see her peers as competitors who will seize any opportunity she passes up. The losers of the new economy are relegated to poverty or prison. The winners never get to stop watching their backs.

    In the second half of the book, Harris rounds out his story with examinations of the role of the federal government (largely serving to guard the interests of baby boomers through a safety net heavily slanted toward the protection of programs like social security) and of how the story of human capital plays out in particularly visible fields (sports and entertainment, mostly). Finally, he turns to the social-media networks and pharmaceutical remedies that keep all this churning: considering how they keep people competing at all hours and at maximum achievable efficiency, in full view of their peers. Where the first half of the book charts the precarious course of even the most successful millennials, the second half explores the particular methods and trends of policy and culture that ensure that course.

    Bluberi

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    Post by Bluberi Wed Sep 06, 2017 3:50 am

    Hookworm, a disease of extreme poverty, is thriving in the US south. Why?
    Bluberi

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    Post by Bluberi Sat Sep 09, 2017 3:04 am

    How the aristocracy preserved their power
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    Korisnik
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    Post by ontheotherhand Sat Sep 09, 2017 11:27 pm

    Imperialism in the twenty-first century

    http://resistir.info/livros/imperialism_john_smith.pdf


    Kakva knjiga  Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 3137070404 , dosta korisnih analiza i informacija.
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    Post by ontheotherhand Thu Sep 14, 2017 12:29 am

    http://katalaksija.com/


    Ko su ovi? Ljudi unajmljeni da brane kapitalizam u Srbiji?
    Erős Pista

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    Post by Erős Pista Thu Sep 14, 2017 12:36 am

    Libertarijanci, budale.

    To je prilicno star sajt, bar deset godina postoji. Nisam siguran ni da je jos uvek aktivan.


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    Post by Guest Thu Sep 14, 2017 5:27 am

    bog. ne može jasnije.

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    Post by Guest Thu Sep 14, 2017 5:49 am

    Mihal Kalecki, Politički aspekti pune zaposlenosti

    http://delong.typepad.com/kalecki43.pdf


    Bio je Poljak a ne Mađar, al ajd sad Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 1143415371
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    Post by Guest Thu Sep 14, 2017 5:51 am

    bruka da ne zna odakle je Kapitalizam 101 - Page 17 1233199462
    obožava da pominje taj rad.

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