Bosna i Hercegovina

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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by fikret selimbašić on Mon Apr 27, 2015 10:46 pm

Ispravili su naknadno. Pisalo je da ima šezdeset godina kad je vijest objavljena. Pisalo je i da je upao sa dvije automatske puške, kasnije se pominje samo pumparica. Malo čemu se od ovog što se trenutno vrti po tv i netu može vjerovati.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by diktotar on Mon Apr 27, 2015 10:53 pm

fikrete a kakve su reakcije na ovo dodikovo novo sranje u bih? da li je glupo razmisljanje da moze ipak doci do neke kompenzacije kosovo, deo bih i sl?


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by fikret selimbašić on Mon Apr 27, 2015 11:19 pm

burkholderia mallei wrote:fikrete a kakve su reakcije na ovo dodikovo novo sranje u bih? da li je glupo razmisljanje da moze ipak doci do neke kompenzacije kosovo, deo bih i sl?

Reakcije među političarima su standardne, od Bakirovog pozivanja na ustav iz 1990. pa do Seferovih izbijanja na Drinu ako Dodik nešto pokuša. Fahro Radončić kontrira ostalima i čini mi se da bi volio da on bude bošnjački Vučić, pomiritelj i reformator. Visoki predstavnik Incko OHR-ovski objašnjava šta je država a šta su entiteti i koja su njihova prava i mogućnosti a otcjepljenje nije mogućnost itd. Upadljivo mi je da su judi iz mog neposrednog okruženja su ovaj put najblaže reagovali na dodikovštinu. Skoro da nije ni komentarisano, čak je i šerovanje linkova na fejsu izostalo a ranije bi pjenili i za boj spremni bili i za puno bezazlenije Dodikove ispade. Ovo večerašnje mene brine, ovo može da dosta zajebe stvar. Joj, Sapna, jebemtiživot.


Dodik malo prije u telefonskoj izjavi reče da su zakazale obavještajne (državne) agencije, nikakva upozorenja nisu dobili.
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bih split

Post by plachkica on Tue Apr 28, 2015 3:40 pm

Ne mogu da nađem BIH topik, pa ću ovde, govno se oglasilo, još sinoć:

http://www.nezavisne.com/novosti/bih/Lazanski-BiH-nije-rascistila-sa-fenomenom-vehabija-302322.html

I još jedan, dobar tekst, preko njega sam došla do Lazanskog.

http://www.6yka.com/novost/80300/dragan-bursac-zvornicka-mijesana-krv
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by otto katz on Sat Jul 04, 2015 8:07 pm

Slasti bosanske etnodemokracije, poređenje s Ruandom. 

Life After Genocide
By Michael F. Harsch and Tyler Y. Headley

 Their civil wars and genocidal violence left both countries severely damaged and traumatized. The United States and its allies dispatched their best diplomats, military commanders, and development experts to Bosnia to devise and implement the Dayton Accords, whereas Rwanda was largely left alone to determine its political future. Twenty years later, Rwanda is frequently cited as a success story and Bosnia is widely viewed as teetering on the brink of renewed violence.

More broadly, the difference in the Bosnian and Rwandan recoveries is arguably rooted in the countries’ political systems, which have promoted different levels of government effectiveness. In Bosnia, the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords created an ethno-federalist political system.

In Rwanda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its leader President Paul Kagame, whose military victory ended the 1994 genocide, dominate politics. Ethnic groups are constitutionally prohibited from organizing as political parties, which has prevented ethnic polarization. 64 percent of its parliamentarians are female, which is widely linked to the promotion of gender equality. 

Spoiler:



[size=57]Life After Genocide

[size=32]Comparing Bosnia and Rwanda[/size]

By Michael F. Harsch and Tyler Y. Headley

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[url=https://www.twitter.com/share?text=Life After genocide&url=https%3A//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/rwanda/2015-07-02/life-after-genocide%3Fcid%3Dsoc-tw-rdr&via=ForeignAffairs][/url]39










It was 20 years ago this month that Europe saw the worst crime on its soil since World War II. From July 11–13, 1995, the Bosnian Serb Army methodically executed approximately 8,000 Bosnian Muslims after conquering the UN-designated “safe area” of Srebrenica. The genocide in Bosnia was particularly shocking because it occurred less than one year after the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, during which members of the Hutu majority killed approximately 800,000 people in a gruesome ethnic cleansing campaign against the Tutsi minority. Their civil wars and genocidal violence left both countries severely damaged and traumatized. The United States and its allies dispatched their best diplomats, military commanders, and development experts to Bosnia to devise and implement the Dayton Accords, whereas Rwanda was largely left alone to determine its political future. Twenty years later, Rwanda is frequently cited as a success story and Bosnia is widely viewed as teetering on the brink of renewed violence.


SRDJAN ZIVULOVIC / REUTERS
A Bosnian flag and a sign flutter in front of a burned government building in Tuzla, February 8, 2014. Protesters across Bosnia set fire to government buildings and fought with riot police on Friday as long-simmering anger over lack of jobs and political inertia fueled a third day of civil unrest.

A comparison of the socio-economic recoveries in Bosnia and Rwanda reveals important lessons for the aftermath of civil conflicts from Syria to Iraq and Sudan, which have been rife with atrocities against ethnic and religious groups. Ultimately, these countries will have to find a path toward recovery and reconciliation, and the international community must decide how it can help in that process.

At first glance this might seem like a comparison of apples to oranges: Bosnia is a European country; today, it directly borders the European Union, whose 28 members’ combined GDP represents the largest economy in the world. Rwanda, in contrast, is located in sub-Saharan Africa, the most economically underdeveloped region of the world. Western policymakers and scholars have long rejected any comparisons between the two countries, a reflex so prevalent that it was mocked in Danis Tanović’s Oscar-winning film on the Bosnian War, “No Man’s Land.” In the movie, a Bosnian soldier reads the newspaper in the middle of a bloody, utterly senseless skirmish with the Bosnian Serb army and exclaims, “What a mess in Rwanda!”
Compared to other former Yugoslav nations, Bosnia’s economy has grown sluggishly and its unemployment rate is estimated to be nearly 45 percent.Even so, World Bank data shows three similarities between Bosnia and Rwanda that are relevant when evaluating recovery after a genocide: size, economy, and aid. Both countries are small and essentially landlocked. Their population sizes of approximately 3.5 million (Bosnia) and 5.5 million (Rwanda) were similar in the mid-1990s. They had roughly comparable GDPs when their genocides occurred: In 1995, Bosnia had a GDP of $1.9 billion, and Rwanda’s was $1.3 billion, both had GDPs per capita that placed them among the poorest 25 percent of all countries. The total amount of foreign aid received by the two countries from 1995–2014 was remarkably similar (Bosnia: $12.3 billion; Rwanda: $10.9 billion), suggesting that their recovery speeds do not merely reflect inequity in international aid.
Despite these similarities, the countries’ socio-economic recoveries have produced starkly different, and rather counterintuitive outcomes.

Economic growth in Bosnia and Rwanda compared to neighboring countries | Create infographics
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Compared to other former Yugoslav nations, Bosnia’s economy has grown sluggishly and its unemployment rate is estimated to be nearly 45 percent. According to the international watchdog Transparency International, the country has one of the highest levels of corruption in the Balkans. Its ethnic groups remain deeply divided: the country’s national anthem still has no lyrics because the different groups cannot agree on them.
By contrast, post-genocide Rwanda has been described as a “beacon of progress” on the African continent. Investments in infrastructure, education, and healthcare have driven remarkable growth. While starting from a low baseline, Rwanda’s average annual growth rate was 14 percent from 2003–13, making it one of the fastest growing economies in the world. Its government cites full employment; however, because many Rwandans still work in subsistence farming it is hard to compare this figure to data from more developed countries. Its corruption levels are among the lowest in the region and in Transparency International’s 2014 Global Corruption Perception Index; Rwanda was rated 55out of 175 countries, far ahead of Bosnia, ranked 80. Ethnically-charged violence is now extremely rare.


DADO RUVIC / REUTERS
A Bosnian woman cries on the coffin of a relative, which is one of the 409 coffins of newly identified victims from the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, in Potocari Memorial Center, near Srebrenica, July 11, 2013.

One potential explanation for Rwanda’s comparative success is the effectiveness of foreign aid in each country. Although foreign aid has generally declined in importance across the developing world in recent decades, it is still crucial for war-torn countries. In the early phases of recovery, these countries depend on international development financing because their domestic revenues are minimal and they attract few foreign direct investors. Many donors assume that the more foreign aid they provide to a post-conflict country, the quicker it recovers. Analyzing data from the World Bank, we indeed found a strong positive correlation between the amount of aid and economic growth in Rwanda. However, for Bosnia we found the opposite: a negative correlation between foreign aid and growth.

Thus, in Bosnia, receiving more international money was accompanied by slower rather than faster growth. Although many factors might be at play, it is very plausible that corruption lowers the effectiveness of aid. When we used the available annual Transparency International scores to control for the different corruption levels of the two countries, there was no statistically significant impact of aid on economic growth.
More broadly, the difference in the Bosnian and Rwandan recoveries is arguably rooted in the countries’ political systems, which have promoted different levels of government effectiveness. In Bosnia, the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords created an ethno-federalist political system. This divided the country into ethnically segregated entities, with three presidents who represent each ethnic group and rotate the head-of-state duties every eight months. Each has de facto veto power over any legislation, which has led to frequent political gridlock. Although intended to keep the peace and provide space for reconciliation, this unwieldy system has resulted in bureaucratic inefficiency and enduring ethno-politics, providing few incentives for reform and slowing Bosnia’s recovery. The International Tribunal for Yugoslavia has been widely criticized for being politicized and ineffective, and local efforts at reconciliation have remained largely unsuccessful.
Twenty years after Bosnia and Rwanda, it is clear that political choices matter. Bosnia’s experience suggests that ethno-federalism freezes existing ethnic divisions and promotes corruption, which stymies economic growth.In Rwanda, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its leader President Paul Kagame, whose military victory ended the 1994 genocide, dominate politics. Ethnic groups are constitutionally prohibited from organizing as political parties, which has prevented ethnic polarization. 64 percent of its parliamentarians are female, which is widely linked to the promotion of gender equality. Although the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has faced criticism for its failure to address crimes committed by the RPF, community courts have tried hundreds of thousands of genocide suspects in the past decade in a historically unprecedented grassroots effort at reconciliation. Its political stability and effective provision of public goods have created one of Africa’s best business environments, and in a region marred by poverty and armed conflict it stands out as a socio-economic success story.



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Twenty years after Bosnia and Rwanda, it is clear that political choices matter. Bosnia’s experience suggests that ethno-federalism freezes existing ethnic divisions and promotes corruption, which stymies economic growth. Even if there existed no feasible alternative to Dayton in 1995, the system should have been designed to incentivize reform by including lower thresholds for decision-making and by linking aid to reform. Today the Dayton system has become engrained and Bosnia has become a cautionary tale demonstrating the pitfalls of overambitious, externally driven nation-building. In contrast, Rwanda’s efforts to move beyond ethno-politics and its commitment to investing in infrastructure and human capital show that forward-looking choices can make a huge positive difference regarding a war-torn country’s recovery. However, Rwanda’s government still needs to show that it is able to build not only effective but also increasingly inclusive political institutions. Otherwise, the country’s social contract—prosperity in return for largely unrestrained political power for the RPF—will remain fragile.


NOOR KHAMIS / REUTERS
Rwanda girls hold candles during a night vigil for the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the genocide, in the Rwandan capital Kigali, April 7, 2014.

Finally, there are important lessons for the international community’s efforts to assist countries during post-conflict recoveries. In the absence of effective political systems and the presence of moderate levels of corruption, international aid tends to be a curse rather than a remedy. International agencies should pay more attention to the creation of sustainable and accountable institutions in post-conflict societies, which enable severely war-torn countries to chart their own path to recovery.

The future holds significant challenges for both Bosnia and Rwanda: In Bosnia, polarized ethnic groups must find the political will to reform their nation’s dysfunctional constitution. In Rwanda, Kagame’s last constitutionally mandated term ends in 2017, and the architect of the country’s miraculous recovery will have to demonstrate that he is willing to allow a transition to a system that guarantees political freedom and human rights. The international community could help in both cases by linking future aid to meaningful political reform. If both countries fail on these crucial tasks, the third decade of their post-genocide recovery is likely to see the reemergence of ethnically-driven violence. Should they succeed, however, each could usher in a new decade of peace and prosperity.




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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Bluberi on Sat Jul 18, 2015 3:29 am

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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Gargamel on Sat Jul 18, 2015 4:50 am

jebote, 11-i rezultat svih vremena.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by otto katz on Mon Aug 17, 2015 11:35 pm

U Bosni masovna histerija zbog pobjede košarkaša u dječjem uzrastu. Toga nekad nije bilo. Nikog nije zanimalo. Sociolozi dobjasne.


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Kondo on Mon Aug 17, 2015 11:40 pm

Gledalo se preko tarabe. Pobeda na Srbijom.


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by plachkica on Tue Aug 18, 2015 12:02 am

http://www.b92.net/sport/kosarka/vesti.php?yyyy=2015&mm=08&dd=17&nav_id=1028253

Na snimku 1:30, svi svi svi
Super su klinci. Nadam se da se neće rasturiti po susednim reprezentacijama.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by ficfiric on Tue Aug 18, 2015 1:16 am

Ma, pitanje je koliko ce ih se uopste baviti kosarkom za par godina. Od sankcija do danas, osvojili smo vise medalja na tim turnirima nego sto smo dobili ozbiljnih kosarkasa. Na tim takmicenjima rezultat ne bi trebao biti u prvom planu ali eto - dodjosmo i do doceka na balkonima. Bosna docekuje kosarkase do 16 godina, mi fudbalere do 20.


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Bluberi on Tue Aug 18, 2015 1:19 am

Politička manipulacija sportom, a ako nema seniora daj šta daš.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Bluberi on Sat Oct 10, 2015 3:10 am

Ovo pomalo liči na makedonski scenario.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by plachkica on Sun Nov 22, 2015 4:56 pm

Naknadno pametovanje, verovatno u duhu satanizacije muslimana širom sveta (uz pljuc po USA)

http://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2015&mm=11&dd=22&nav_category=167&nav_id=1065984


"Rata ne bi bilo, a zbog uticaja SAD na Aliju..."
Za međunarodnu zajednicu je Dejtonski sporazum na kraju bio jedino rešenje, ali se rat u BiH mogao izbeći da je primenjen "Karington-Kutiljero sporazum".
To je rekao donedavni šef švedske diplomatije i bivši izaslanik EU za BiH Karl Bilt koji je podsetio da je na pritisak Amerikanaca od bošnjačkog vođstva odbačen, prethodno potpisani Evropske unije o uređenju BiH.

U napisu za Evropski savet za međunarodne odnose povodom 20. godišnjice ovog sporazuma, on je podsetio da su ključni delovi od Alije Izetbegovića naknadno odbačenog sporazuma EU o uređenju Bosne i Hercegovine koji su već bili potpisali vođi Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba, potom i ugrađeni u nagodbu u Dejtonu.

Bilt, aktivni učesnik pregovora u Dejtonu, upozorio je da se i sad "Evropa oglušuje o Balkan i opasnosti koje tamo vrebaju, a njeni političari moraju biti preduzimljivi i sprečiti ponavljanje istorije, naročito zbog škripca u kojem se sad taj region našao zbog izbegličke krize".

"Kritičari su napadali Dejtonski sporazum da uvrežuje nacionalne i etničke podele u ustav Bosne, ali to je bilo jedino ostvarljivo rešenje da se spreči raspad te zemlje", ocenio je nekadašnji izaslanik EU za BiH.

On je ukazao na činjenicu da je "Evropa ocenila da je kucnuo njen čas" za rešavanje sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji i upravo da bi se sprečio rat u Bosni, u proleće 1992. britanski lord Karington i portugalski diplomata Žoze Kutiljero izradili su plan za državno uređenje BiH koji su potpisali vođi tri strane.

"Temeljno ustrojstvo plana Karington-Kutiljero bilo je", kako je naveo, "veoma slično nagodbi u Dejtonu, utanačenoj par godina kasnije, pošto su dva miliona lica u Bosni pobegla iz svojih domova, a preko sto hiljada njih izgubilo živote".

"Ako biste pitali prvog pregovarača EU, lorda Karingtona, on bi vam ubedljivo rekao da su SAD bile te koje su podstakle bosanskog muslimanskog vođu, predsednika Aliju Izetbegovića, da se povuče iz tog dogovora", ističe Bilt.

Žoze Kutiljero je pre nekoliko godina na jednom okruglom stolu u Briselu to potvrdio i rekao da se "zna koji je visoki američki zvaničnik zatražio od predsednika Izetbegovića da povuče potpis sa plana EU za BiH".

Bilt, od 1999. do 2001. specijalni izaslanik za Balkan generalnog sekretara UN, napominje da "pošto je rat potom izbio i proširio se Bosnom, UN i EU su pokrenule mirovne napore u leto 1992." i u Ženevi su bivši američki državni sekretar Sajrus Vens i raniji šef britanske diplomatije Dejvid Oven pregovarali s vođstvom tri strane i konačno 1993. godine ponudili mirovni plan.

"Ali su se vetrovi promenili u Vašingtonu, i Džordža Buša (Starijeg) zamenila je vlada Bila Klintona", ukazuje očevidac i učesnik ovih istorijskih događaja u ovom izuzetnom svedočanstvu, i dodaje da su "i dalje predmet oprečnih tumačenja priče kako je propao i ovaj 'Vens-Oven mirovni plan', mada Dejvid Oven ne krije svoje uverenje da je nova administracija u Vašingtonu podsekla noge tom planu i napustila sve napore".

Bivši izaslanik EU i UN za Bosnu kaže da Oven u svojoj knjizi "Balkanska odiseja" piše: "Da je predsednik Buš pobedio na novembarskim izborima 1992. godine, došlo bi do raspleta u Bosni i Hercegovini 1993. godine".

Oven dodaje da "od proleća 1993. do leta 1995. učinak politike SAD, uprkos što se nazivao 'zauzdavanjem', bio da se produžio rat bosanskih Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini".

Bilt kaže da su to "jake reči, kao i napisi Sajrusa Vensa, koji je naravno osetio da je odbačen od Vašingtona i potom ostao gurnut u stranu godinama".

Potom je formirana Kontakt grupa SAD, Velike Britanije, Francuske, Nemačke i Rusije s ciljem da u Bosni pokrene stvari, ali pošto nije bilo nikakvog napretka, 1995. je sazvana konferencija u Dejtonu.

Tamo je konačno potpisan sporazum "koji suštinski sve u sebi vraća na plan Karington-Kutiljero pre izbijanja rata, samo što je Bosna sastavljena iz dva, a ne tri entiteta", primećuje Bilt.

On kaže da je "jedan od potom stvorenih mitova bio to da su Srbi došli za pregovarački sto zbog snažnog američkog bombardovanja… a bombardovanje koje je imalo sumnjivu vojnu vrednost je Ričardu Holbruku omogućilo da predsednika Izetbegovića ubedi da prihvati Republiku Srpsku, što je on dotad odbijao".

Bilt kaže da su se u Dejtonu utvrđivanju unutrašnjih granica snažno bavili Amerikanci i tri strane u BiH, dok su izaslanici EU "više bili posvećeni ustavnom ustrojstvu koje bi Bosnu vratilo nazad na zajednički temelj… i ruski ministar inostranih poslova Igor Ivanov je u tome bio konstruktivna i važna snaga".

On dodaje da je to ustrojstvo konačno ispalo složenije nego čto se mislilo i dodaje da je "Federacija BiH skovana u Vašingtonu u početku 1993. da bi se obustavili sukobi između Muslimana i Hrvata".

Bilt odbacuje kritike da je takva struktura uvrežila etničke podele, a ne prava pojedinaca i naglašava "da bi u teoriji jedinstvena država bila bolja i demokratskija, ali u praksi o takvim rešenjima je lakše pričati nego ih ostvariti".

"Onima koji dovode u pitanje Dejton zato što je utemeljio nacionalne i etničke identitete može se savetovati da pokušaju da ubede Škotlanđane da prihvate potpunu integraciju s Engleskom, ili Katalonce i Baskijce sa Španijom… a mogu to pokušati i s Bavarskom".

Bilt ukazuje na to da "političari u takvim zemljama teže da se oslone na nacionalne identitete, a ishodi na izborima u Bosni su to decenijama posle Dejtona nažalost potvrdili".

On kaže da je nada bila da će posleratna Bosna, uz podršku procesa evropske integracije, konačno dovesti do "Bosne dalje od Kipra, a bliže Belgiji".

Uz opasku da se to dosad nije dogodilo, Bilt izražava nadu da će BiH "postepeno doći i do novog ustavnog rešenja" i podvlači da, uprkos svim spoljnim pritiscima, "jedino razni činioci u Bosni mogu načiniti nagodbe da bi zemlja krenula napred".

Bilt naglašava da je proces približavanja EU ipak doveo do napretka u BiH i zaključuje da su "previše dugo snage dezintegracije preovlađivale u celom regionu i EU i međunarodni činioci su tek posle previše dugog razdoblja pažnju usredsredili na podsticanje snaga udruživanja".
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by fikret selimbašić on Sun Nov 22, 2015 5:58 pm

Ja vidio naslov na b92 i pomislio da je Dodikova izjava, skroz me na njega podsjeća. Kliknem i vidim da nije Dodik nego Bilt.

Ne znam kako je ovaj plan bio rješenje za Bosnu a da ne uključuje i rješavanje situacije u Hrvatskoj. Ratovi u Hrvatskoj i BiH su previše isprepleteni da bi se odvojenim planovima rješavali. Naročito kad se pogleda kakvo je bilo stanje u Hrvatskoj u vrijeme kad je ovaj plan ponuđen.

Minus za Bilta i zbog toga što je pogriješio godinu formiranja Federacije i zaustavljanja hrvatsko-bošnjačkog rata.

Ma, on ovako govori zbog Jugoslave
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by diktotar on Mon Dec 21, 2015 9:20 pm

Jel istina da je cerka ratnog zlocinca izabrana za potpredsednicu skupstine negenocidne pubke spke(termin pozajmljen od zt)? To je verovatno simbolicna funkcija, kao i ovde ona koju obavlja cetnicki vojvoda ili recimo njen direktni pandam kondukter uhvacen u kradji novca za karte razalovan na peraca autobusa.


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Guest on Mon Dec 21, 2015 9:37 pm

vidi ga Kvon sto je izucio BHS za ovo vreme svaka mu cast , ume i igru reci da napravi.


istina je:)
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by fikret selimbašić on Wed Dec 30, 2015 7:39 pm

Sarajevo, nakon mjesec dana magle i smoga.



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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by William Murderface on Wed Dec 30, 2015 8:25 pm

Šta je ovo?


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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by fikret selimbašić on Wed Dec 30, 2015 8:32 pm

Meni izgleda ko negativ decembarske slike grada kakvu smo u prošlosti najčešće mogli da vidimo.Zamijenile boje pozicije. Slično je bilo i u Tuzli i Zenici i u još dosta manjih gradova u Bosni.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by No Country on Wed Dec 30, 2015 8:40 pm

Инверзија, шта би било?
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Mau on Tue Jan 05, 2016 8:47 pm

Konačno se dešava nešto u vezi sa ovim smećem.

http://www.slobodnaevropa.mobi/a/predistraga-o-arkanovim-tigrovima/27469067.html
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by beatakeshi on Tue Jan 05, 2016 8:49 pm

Prilično sam siguran da od ovoga neće biti ništa.
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Bluberi on Tue Jan 19, 2016 3:53 am

Malo je, ako je uopće, bilo naivnih i spremnih povjerovati kako će Dodik, čim primi odluku Ustavnog suda, odabrati neki drugi datum za slavlje, a krsnu slavu regije u kojoj su, formalno i pravno a suštinski ama baš nikako, sa Srbima ravnopravni i ostali, jednostavno ukinuti, kao i krsne slave MUP-a, gradova, trafostanica, magistralnih puteva i domova zdravlja. Puno je više, naravno, bilo onih što su se u sav imetak smjeli okladiti kako će upravo sudska presuda dodatno motivirati predsjednika RS-a da još jednom pokuša, taman dok njegova skupštinska većina usvaja novi, robovlasnički Zakon o radu, sugrađanima ponuditi slijed paranoje, pa nacionalizma i, konačno, pravoslavlja za desert na prazničkoj trpezi. I baš je tako bilo, samo što je sve, recimo tako, ispalo malo bljutavo.
Emir Imamović Pirke
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Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

Post by Bluberi on Wed Jan 20, 2016 4:58 am

Zato sam, ne budi lenj, pročitao ceo tekst Opšteg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini – kako glasi puno krsno ime Dejtonskog sporazuma – sve njegove anekse i paragrafe uzduž i popreko po sedam puta, i nigde, mamu mu jebem, nisam pronašao ni slova o tome da bi Srbija kao potpisnica bila garant ikakvog položaja Srba u Bosni i Hercegovini: u svih stotinu i pedeset gusto kucanih stranica ni jednog jedinog slova nema o tome da bi Srbija imala ikakvo pravo, a kamoli obavezu da Republici Srpskoj, kako ono, ‘čuva integritet’!
Biće da je to zato što mir u Bosni i Hercegovini – suprotno raširenom verovanju – nisu na lebu i vodi, zavrnutih ruku i pod pritiskom Miloševića i Tuđmana, potpisali Klinton i Černomirdin, nego su na lebu i vodi i zavrnutih ruku bile Srbije i Hrvatska. Biće da je to zato što Srbija, kao i Hrvatska, nije Dejtonski sporazum potpisala kao garant mira u regionu, nego je mir u regionu preuzela kao obavezu, potpisujući Dejtonski sporazum. Biće, eto, da je to ipak samo zato što je Srbija – kao i Hrvatska – papire u vojnoj bazi Rajt-Paterson kraj Dejtona potpisala po kazni, takoreći kao kapitulaciju, garantujući svojim potpisom da neće više da ratuje, niti da sponzoriše rat u Bosni i Hercegovini.
Dežulović

Re: Bosna i Hercegovina

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