EU - what's next?

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EU - what's next?

Post by Mr. Moonlight on Sat May 19, 2018 4:00 pm

razlike postoje, neki proizvodi su namerno slađi ili slaniji, neki proizvodi ne bi izdržali rok trajanja u uslovima pod kojima se čuva ovde ili na nekom drugom mestu, postoji i potreba za razlikama, ne samo zarada na razlikama, koja jeste motor svega

još odavno je poznato - ovo je od robe za izvoz, kvalitetnije je

šta nam rade to sami sebi radimo


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Desmond Bojčinski on Sat May 19, 2018 4:32 pm

Mr. Moonlight wrote:šta nam rade to sami sebi radimo

+1

Svi koji su mogli su svojevremeno jurili jugiće pravljene za usa tržište
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Kondo on Sat May 19, 2018 4:47 pm

i opele za nemačko


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Daï Djakman Faré on Sat May 19, 2018 5:57 pm

Mr. Moonlight wrote:još odavno je poznato - ovo je od robe za izvoz, kvalitetnije je

šta nam rade to sami sebi radimo
pa i ne bas ako se roskomnadzor pita


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Sun May 20, 2018 4:40 pm

SALVINI SAYS REACHED PREMIER AGREEMENT WITH FIVE STAR: ANSA

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Mon May 21, 2018 7:15 pm

Italo-Lib-Pop


Lib-Pop Politics: Why Italy’s New Government Is More Neoliberal Than Populist

by Mario Pianta on 21 May 2018


A new Italian government is in the making, with an unprecedented alliance between the Five Stars Movement (33% of votes in the March 2018 elections; 36% of seats in the House of Deputies) and the Lega (17% of votes; 20% of seats). The view that ‘populist barbarians have conquered Rome’ is a gross misunderstanding. Lega has already governed for nine years in Berlusconi governments supporting all neoliberal policies that have favoured finance, business and the European integration they now criticise. The Five Stars are ready to compromise on everything with anyone – Washington, Brussels, business, finance, the military – for their turn in power, knowing that their large support is at best temporary. The result is that – rhetoric aside – pro-rich neoliberal policies dominate the new government agenda, tinted with a shade of populism, with modest pro-poor and harsh anti-immigrant action. Lib-pop politics is how we may call Italy’s new political experiment.

Lega’s rising political hegemony

The clear political winner is Lega’s leader Matteo Salvini, who turned the Northern ‘separatist’ Lega Nord into a nationwide nationalist, reactionary party, mirroring France’s Front National. He quadrupled Lega’s votes (in 2013 they were 4%); in Northern counties of Lombardy and Veneto Lega reached 33 to 38% of the votes, with the centre-right coalition well over 50% (an analysis of the election results is here). He ran in a centre-right coalition where he emerged as the clear leader, with the Lega obtaining more votes than Berlusconi’s Forza Italia (14%) and the post-fascists of Fratelli d’Italia stuck on 4%.

He managed to obtain from the coalition partners a green light for the government alliance with the Five Stars, thus keeping together – in spite of squabbles – a coalition that last March had 37% of votes and is close to obtaining in a future election an overall majority of seats (within reach if they obtain about 42% of votes under current electoral rules). His centre-right allies promised mild opposition and parliamentary support for the (many) policies they will like. Salvini is in the unique position of leading from the extreme right a broad centre-right coalition that includes moderates and élite groups; in no other major European country does such an alliance exist.

The political momentum for Salvini grew with the elections in two regions held in April 2018. Lega won in the north-eastern region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia with the centre-right coalition getting 63% of votes, Lega alone obtaining 35% and providing the President of the Region, while the Five Stars slipped to 7%. In the small Southern Molise region, the centre-right coalition won with a Forza Italia candidate on 49% of votes (Lega had 8%), while the Five Stars list obtained 32%. Current polls reflect this trend of a growing Lega and a stable Five Stars consensus; when Five Stars support weakens – as happened in the peripheries of Rome and Turin, run by weak Five Stars mayors – Salvini is set to grab a large part of their disappointed voters. Thus, the political outlook suggests Salvini as a likely winner of a real majority for the centre-right when new elections take place, giving him the upper hand in talks for the new government – the alternative being an early vote in autumn or in May 2019 that could be held together with the European elections. Finally, Lega’s hegemonic power is marked also by its ability to combine power and protest; it was long in power in all Berlusconi’s governments but is not perceived as responsible for the current crisis. At the same time, Lega capitalises on widespread protests with its rhetorical challenge to European rules, harsh treatment of migrants and anti-tax, anti-bureaucracy agenda.

Five Stars’ disorientation

Among the Five Stars of the movement founded by Beppe Grillo, no ‘pole star’ for its political project has been found; the only priority now is the claim to power, regardless of type of alliance and programme. Anti-corruption and bottom-up democracy remain little more than background noise; 94% of Five Star supporters approved the government programme in one afternoon’s electronic voting; top-down decisions on policy priorities far from the Five Stars’ traditional demands have not been challenged by the grassroots; only a left-wing prospective labour minister, Pasquale Tridico, resigned after the programme was announced. The difficult search for a Prime Minister different from the Five Stars leader Luigi Di Maio reflected the political fragility of a top-down model preventing the emergence of a broader political leadership.

The fundamental weakness of the Five Stars is in their very post-ideological posture; with the political ‘caste’ as their main enemy, and the illusion of moving beyond the left-right divide, they have yet to learn how to use political power to deal with contrasting class interests, and how their policies may sustain or destroy their electoral consensus. In contrast, the Lega has strengthened its right-wing ideological roots, providing identities and a worldview for its voters. No surprise then that many working class and poorer Italians, after welcoming the anti-establishment nature of the Five Stars, are now ending up as Lega voters.

The government programme

The asymmetry between a Lega with clear priorities – in terms of class and nation – and a Five Stars with its only concern striking a deal has produced a government programme that includes some general concerns of the Five Stars – on legality and minimum income – and most practical measures designed by the Lega – on taxes and migrants. Demands for renegotiating European treaties and restoring national sovereignty in some areas are enough to open a rhetorical confrontation with Brussels – and much attention from the media – but have little concrete content.

The most important specific policy that will be introduced by the new government is the Italian version of the ‘flat tax’; firms and individuals will pay either 15 or 20% of income taxes, as opposed to the current 43% for the top income bracket. It is clearly stated that no wealth tax will be introduced (Italy has often been criticized by the EU for having cancelled real estate taxes on home-owners). Tax controls on Italy’s large number of small firms and self-employed will be scaled down, basically legalising tax evasion for a large number of right-wing, medium and high-income voters. For financial firms and banks no control or limit on their activities will be introduced. This will make Italy a neoliberal business paradise, competing with Ireland in the race to the bottom of business taxes in Europe, offering some room for the survival of Italy’s small businesses dramatically hit by a decade of crisis. In this way, the transfer of income to the richest 20% of Italians will be huge, with the very rich benefitting the most. Berlusconi would have never been able with his past majorities to introduce such a pro-rich agenda.

Such measures are the easiest to implement, as they simply scale back state redistribution, leaving unequal outcomes of market processes untouched. More difficult is the implementation of the only ‘pro-poor’ measure long championed by the Five Stars: the so-called ‘citizen income’. In the programme this is reduced to an income support of €780 a month for a maximum of two years for unemployed Italians (no residents with foreign citizenship will obtain it) ready to accept any job offer; no figure for potential recipients and funding for implementing it is mentioned.

But the darkest success of the Lega in the government programme is the chapter on migrants, envisaging a stop to the flows of refugees, changes in European rules on asylum and free movement, and proposing the repatriation of the 500,000 immigrants with irregular status now present in Italy. Combined with harsh measures on law and order, this policy caters to the ‘fear effect’ that is behind the growth of Lega’s support. In parallel the rise of the Five Stars was based on a ‘poverty effect’ – especially in the South (see here). The tragedy is that the poorest Italians have overwhelmingly voted for two political forces that are now creating the most pro-rich, pro-business government in Italy’s history. Even worse, Lib-pop politics could be just the starter for an outright far-right political future.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Mon May 21, 2018 7:17 pm

E, da

The establishment of a populist government in Rome has already raised alarm bells across EU capitals. Bruno Le Maire, the French finance minister, issued a blunt warning to Rome on Sunday, saying that Italy needed to respect EU budget rules or the single currency would be in jeopardy.

“Italians must understand that the future of Italy is in Europe and nowhere else, but there are rules to respect,” Mr Le Maire said in an interview on Europe 1 radio. “If the new government takes the risk of not meeting its commitments on the debt, the deficit, but also the clean-up of the banks, it is the entire financial stability of the eurozone which would be threatened.”

His intervention, however, was swiftly rebuffed by Mr Salvini. “This is another unacceptable pitch invasion,” he wrote on Twitter. “I didn’t ask for votes . . . to continue on a path of poverty, precariousness and immigration: Italians first!
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Mon May 21, 2018 7:25 pm

Polako, to su Italijani. Ja ne znam nijednu zemlju da sam video da se dvojica psuju, cepaju (svoje) kosulje u fazonu "ajde, udari me, udari me", deru jedan na drugog i vitlaju pesnicama jedno 20 minuta, da bi se na kraju razisli vicuci jedan na drugog dok odlaze. Videcemo.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Guest on Mon May 21, 2018 7:35 pm

Jesu oni Italijani, ali i Nemci su Nemci...politički fallout je neminovan. Zna se ko u EU može a ko ne može da pobeđuje na izborima.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Mon May 21, 2018 7:52 pm

Mr. Ward wrote:Jesu oni Italijani, ali i Nemci su Nemci...politički fallout je neminovan. Zna se ko u EU može a ko ne može da pobeđuje na izborima.

Pa dobro, uvek mogu da izađu iz Evrozone. Mislim, bio sam na strani Sirize protiv Merkel, na strani Lege Nord nema šanse.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Mon May 21, 2018 8:02 pm

To je poklon iz Vasingtona za Makrona.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Mon May 21, 2018 8:06 pm

Znao sam 

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Mon May 21, 2018 8:09 pm

Ko je skinuo Berluskoniju sud u Milanu pre par nedelja a on pristao da se formira ova koalicija?
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Mon May 21, 2018 8:26 pm

Ko?
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by паће on Mon May 21, 2018 8:32 pm

Mr. Ward wrote:Jesu oni Italijani, ali i Nemci su Nemci...politički fallout je neminovan. Zna se ko u EU može a ko ne može da pobeđuje na izborima.

Па и Италијани имају традицију да им се богатија родбина меша у изборе. Могли би сад мало да напредују и ка тумачењу резултата избора.


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Guest on Mon May 21, 2018 8:53 pm

KinderLad wrote:
Mr. Ward wrote:Jesu oni Italijani, ali i Nemci su Nemci...politički fallout je neminovan. Zna se ko u EU može a ko ne može da pobeđuje na izborima.

Pa dobro, uvek mogu da izađu iz Evrozone. Mislim, bio sam na strani Sirize protiv Merkel, na strani Lege Nord nema šanse.
Ma naravno.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Mon May 21, 2018 8:59 pm

KinderLad wrote:Ko?




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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Mon May 21, 2018 11:34 pm

Make Italy Great Again!


As agreements to form a new government in Italy take shape, a row has already begun with Brussels.

Earlier, the leader of the European People's Party, Manfred Weber, said the 5-Star Movement and the League are taking huge risks with the policies they are proposing.

Replying in a tweet, Matteo Salvini told Weber: "after the French, it's now the turn of German threats". He added: "You better think about Germany because we just think about the good of the Italians"
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by паће on Mon May 21, 2018 11:44 pm

Али, али... зар тако након показане солидарности радних људи Немачке? Ако су они могли да буду солидарни са немачким банкама, што не би и Италијани, са истим тим банкама?


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Летећи Полип on Tue May 22, 2018 12:12 am

Gargantua wrote:Italo-Lib-Pop


DJB-Dveri, špageti edišn.


Može i crnje, i tek će ga biti.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Tue May 22, 2018 2:59 am

Bannon is traveling to Italy this week to meet with Matteo Salvini of the Northern League about the populist party’s electoral success.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Tue May 22, 2018 10:26 am

"Ko hoće neka se vozi, karte plaća (Nemac) Fric"

Kako nemački čitaoci reaguju na tekst o proširenju EU: "Ulazite, voz kreće. Sledeća stanica Balkan. Ko hoće neka se vozi, karte plaća (Nemac) Hans".

Izvor: Dojče vele utorak, 22.05.2018. | 08:04

Od kako je Donald Tramp u Beloj kući, Emanuel Makron u Jelisejskoj palati prioriteti i kurs čelnika EU su fazi novog pozicioniranja - u cilju jačanja evropske porodice. Tramp diktira tempo u međunarodnoj politici, provocira, pa su tako najviše komentarisani „složnost i zajedništvo kakvi odavno nisu viđeni na jednom samitu EU", piše Dojče vele.

Tema ovog samita zapravo nije trebalo da bude pitanje da li će i kada će zemlje Zapadnog Balkana pristupiti EU, ali je to ipak konkratno rečeno: govori se o 2025. godini" piše Tagesšau, portal vesti javnog servisa ARD.

U posebnom tekstu pod naslovom "Šest Blaknaskih zemalja hoće u EU", taj nemački javni servis ukratko opisuje potencijalne nove članice uz malu političku kartu i osnovne podatke. Tako su Nemcima predstavljeni osnovni podaci Albanije, BiH, Makedonije, Crne Gore, Kosova i Srbije.

Interesantno je, navodi DW, da je ispod teksta o Srbiji bilo najviše komentara, zbog čega se ističe da je do sada bilo mali li nimalo prilika da se pročita šta o proširenju EU misle obični građani EU - u ovom slučaju oni koji prate nemački javni servis.



Zato je DW preneo neke od njih:

„derfa: I niko ne sme ništa da kaže. Zašto građane zemalja EU zapravo nikada direktno ne pitaju da li žele proširenje EU? I nemoje da mi kažete: Zašto, možeš da glasaš svakih x godina.

Marga Reta: Ne pitaju se ni građani „voljnih" kandidata. Pre nekoliko dana je bila reportaža o Balkanu. U Srbiji ne žele u Evropsku uniju. U ostalim zemljama mnogi ljudi imaju tendenciju da se distanciraju od pridruživanja. Pa šta. I tamo postoje političari koji misle da bolje znaju šta njihovi građani žele. To je bio slučaj i sa Ukrajinom. Možete da pročitate koliko je bilo potrebno da bi većini ljudi bilo jasno šta oni žele? To se takođe odnosi prijem u NATO.

BWilaschek: Šest balkanskih država želi da postanu članice EU. Kao da već sada nije dovoljno loše...

HarriH.Hirsch: Cui bono? Velika Britanija odlazi, Balkan dolazi... sada stvarno postaje strašno. Ono što je previše rizično za privatni sektor sada bi trebalo da postigne nacionalna ekonomija. Da ne spominjem sve pravne implikacije... Ludilo.

püppie: Zavisno od toga šta bi trebalo da bude cilj EU, te i mnoge druge zemlje bi trebalo odmah i bezuslovno primiti. Ili se nešto ipak naučilo na primeru Grčke?

Cilj EU je meni sve više nejasan. Bogatije zemlje izlaze, siromašne i neorganizovane hoće što pre da uđu. Industrija može time da osvoji nova tržišta, ali ako svoj profit ne podeli sa ljudima i radnicima, već samo super bogatima, onda je to besmisleno. A po mom mišljenju, to se sada upravo dešava.

Šta će desiti sa zemljama čije se etničke grupe još spore, kada otvare svoja vrata u EU? Velika seoba naroda? Gde?

Bernhardus: Nema problema… mi volimo da dajemo.

derdickewisser: Razlozi za proširenje su očigledni i za osudu: kao i kod prijema Rumunije i Bugarske, jedina namera je da se dobije jeftina ili najjeftinija radna snaga za evropsku industriju i ekonomiju, koja će ovde da radi po nekoliko meseci po damping cenama. Između ostalog tako nastaju socijalnim problemi, sa kojima su gradovi poput Duizburga, nažalost, odlično upoznati. Nastaje i organizovani kriminal kao što su prevare u vezi dečjim dodatkom. Nemojte da pričate da se radi o širenju evropskih „vrednosti", jer je to ogromna laž. Eksploatacija - to je sve o čemu se ovde radi.

nie wieder spd: Sve dok najsiromašniji iz ovih zemalja svoju sreću ionako traže u Nemačkoj, ne moraju još i da postanu članice EU! Gde su otišla sredstava EU u tim zemljama? Od rata pre 20 godina se malo toga poboljšalo. Druge zemlje mogu da postanu članice samo ako im se životni standard približi makar proseku EU. Dakle, kod ovih zemalja to verovatno nikada neće slučaj. Osim toga, u Bosni i na Kosovu i u Albaniji islamski militanti i dalje prave haos, uz podršku Saudijske Arabije.

Jörg C: To neće tako moći da funkcioniše. Ili će svi biti snimljeni istovremeno ili će oni koji su već ušli sprečiti prijem bivših ratniih neprijatelja. Prijem u EU je trebalo ponuditi Juguslaviji 1990. umjesto da se ponudi samo republikama koje se suprotstavljaju Beogradu, a time i Moskvi.

pfitch: Ne radi se ovde o prijemu u EU nego da se geopolitički zatvori krilo. Nijedan od kandidata ne ispunjava uslove, osim eventualno Srbije.

zampano06: Ja sam 100% pro-EU, ali zar ne bi trebalo prvo da rešimo probleme EU pre nego što dobijemo nove probleme? Shvatam da bi tampon zona prema Rusiji trebalo da se proširi, ali kakva je korist od toga ako se EU pritom raspadne?

Tassert: EU je kao voz koji ide prema ambisu, niko ne povlači kočnicu, a brzina se stalno povećava. Šteta, nekada je to bila obećavajuća ideja, Evropska unija otadžbina, ali je kao socijalizam - nastala ne uzimajući u obzir ljude.

Zundelheiner: Naravno da žele u EU! Ali zar nije Brisel tražio od ovih zemalja da se pridruže? Bilo bi glupi da su odbili poziv… A kakve su koristi za EU? (da, mislim da je to pitanje opravdano!) Prednosti za EU nisu prepoznate, ali je još jednom dobar korak ka vojno-geostrateškoj ekspanziji na istok!

Adeberg C: Ulazite, voz kreće. Sledeća stanica Balkan. Ko hoće neka se vozi, karte plaća (Nemac) Fric.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Tue May 22, 2018 10:35 am

pfitch: Ne radi se ovde o prijemu u EU nego da se geopolitički zatvori krilo. Nijedan od kandidata ne ispunjava uslove, osim eventualno Srbije.

 pa Srbija je par excellence primer geopolitike. U stvari Srbija je verovatno jedina koja je skoro cisto geopoliticko pitanje.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Tue May 22, 2018 10:39 am

Krajina Srbija
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Tue May 22, 2018 10:43 am

Bilo kakvu težinu da ima Srbija, kakvu god da ima i kakve god da su joj šanse za ulazak u EU, ona se 99% svodi na to - mi i dalje možemo da napravio nered ovde (u zagradi - sa Rusijom). Kad se skinu sva sranja, zaklinjanje na ovo ili ono, kad se odere svo polupotrebno meso sa kostura srpske pozicije to je ono što ostane kao skelet.

Re: EU - what's next?

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