EU - what's next?

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Thu Apr 26, 2018 8:45 pm

William Murderface wrote:http://rs.n1info.com/a383052/Svet/Region/Za-ulazak-u-Sengen-s-Balkana-bice-potrebna-dozvola-i-taksa.html

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Thu Apr 26, 2018 9:40 pm

KinderLad wrote:Mada bice zanimljivo i kad Mr Horace Lancelot Poshberry iz Royal Tunbridge Wells-a koji je do juce mogao sa svojom clanskom kartom za golf klub da ode na Costa del Sol bude popunjavao svoj medical condition i da li ima criminal records.

Ićiće u Margate ili Blackpool.


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by  on Thu Apr 26, 2018 11:07 pm

Karibi su odlični u svako doba godine, a ne manjka im ni golf klubova.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Thu Apr 26, 2018 11:19 pm

♏️ wrote:Karibi su odlični u svako doba godine, a ne manjka im ni golf klubova.

zajebavao sam se malo, doticni gospodin bi svakako na Mauricijus, ali zato ce se milioni drugih cuditi sta ih je snaslo ako se nesto sto pre ne dogovore da za njih to ne važi. A to je velio pitanje.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Fri Apr 27, 2018 1:15 am

"Srbija i CG moraju brže u EU, nismo zadovoljni 2025."
Brisel -- Ministar spoljnih poslova Mađarske Peter Sijarto izjavio je da Unija treba da bude mnogo odlučnija u nameri da ubrza proširenje na zemlje zapadnog Balkana.

On je nakon sastanka sa evropskim komesarom za proširenje Johanesom Hanom rekao i da je neophodno da ove godine otvori sva poglavlja u pregovorima o pridruživanju sa Srbijom i Crnom Gorom.

"Mađarska je veoma nezadovoljna stavom Evropske komisije da ove dve zemlje mogu da budu primljene najranije 2025. godine", kazao je Sijarto za MTI.


https://www.b92.net/info/vesti/index.php?yyyy=2018&mm=04&dd=26&nav_category=1262&nav_id=1386251&utm_source=B92&utm_medium=Document&utm_campaign=Under-Article-List&utm_content=

Ovaj život je neki sumanuti eksperiment
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by William Murderface on Fri Apr 27, 2018 1:17 am



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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Filipenko on Sat Apr 28, 2018 8:34 am





Premijeri Slovačke i Poljske Peter Pelegrini i Mateuš Moravjecki su u Varšavi, kao "crtanje novih podela u Evropi", odbacili navodni plan Brisela.


Taj plan je da postkomunističke članice Evropske unije u novom budžetu EU ostanu bez dela evrofondova koji bi se usmerio južnim članicama Unije, suočenim s nezaposlenošću i izbegličkom krizom.

"Još smo daleko od izjednačavanja standarda života, BDP-a po glavi stanovnika ili nivoa infrastrukture kakvi su u Zapadnoj Evropi koja je posle Drugog svetskog rata mogla neometano da se razvija. Mi, komunističke zemlje tu sreću nismo imale   , i smatramo da u narednom višegodišnjem budžetu EU moramo da očuvamo što veću solidarnost i ravnopravnost  u pristupu fondovima", kazao je Moravjecki novinarima posle sastanka sa Pelegrinijem. 
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by паће on Sat Apr 28, 2018 9:15 am

Флајка једна, гребатора много...


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Sun Apr 29, 2018 11:29 am

A desperate Merkel gets Trumped
The relationship between the US and German leaders isn’t getting any better.

By Matthew Karnitschnig
4/27/18, 10:59 PM CET

Angela Merkel arrived at the White House Friday hoping to resuscitate the transatlantic relationship and convince Donald Trump to back away from his belligerent positions on trade and Iran.

She left with little more than a comeuppance.

“We need a reciprocal relationship,” Trump said in Merkel’s direction at a joint press conference after their afternoon meeting, highlighting the more than $150 billion trade deficit the U.S. has with the EU.

From there, the president pivoted to defense spending, another of his longstanding grievances with Germany and other European allies, whom he accuses of not paying their fair share.

“NATO is wonderful but it helps Europe more than us so why are we paying the biggest share?” Trump asked.


Though Trump has often made such arguments, to do so alongside a foreign guest of Merkel’s stature amounted to nothing short of a diplomatic affront.

Trump insisted he and the German chancellor “have a great relationship,” but their body language suggested otherwise.

Merkel, who is used to being the most powerful person in the room, stood stonefaced next to Trump in the East Room, looking away as he spoke, pursing her lips.

Her attempt to win him over in her opening remarks with lavish praise for the friendship the U.S. had shown Germany over the decades — at one point even adopting a Trumpism to call the U.S. a “tremendous country” — appeared to have had little impact.

Asked if she’d succeeded in convincing Trump to cancel planned steel and aluminum tariffs on Europe, Merkel offered a curt response: “The president will decide. That is very clear.”

Her answer betrayed the extent to which Germany, and by extension Europe, is at Trump’s mercy.
The proposed tariffs would hit Germany’s auto industry. Many fear the moves could lead to a more serious trade conflict between the U.S. and Europe.

Merkel’s visit with Trump, which lasted only a few hours including lunch, followed French President Emmanuel Macron’s state visit to Washington this week. And though the chemistry between Macron and Trump was far better, the French president also failed to convince the American president to change course on the planned tariffs, which are set to take effect May 1.

Taken together, the European leaders’ meetings with Trump suggested that on issues of substance, the transatlantic relationship remains as troubled as ever.

Trump is treating Europeans with condescendence and is unwilling to see relationship in terms of respectful partnership or alliance,” Ulrich Speck, a German political analyst with the Aspen Institute, wrote after Merkel’s encounter with Trump. “He looks at them as bothersome clients, as a burden, not an asset.”

Merkel’s meeting with Trump, her second trip to the White House since he took office, put the transatlantic power dynamic in stark relief.

The German leader was clearly on the defensive, insisting repeatedly that Germany was committed to fulfilling its obligations within NATO, despite falling well short of the alliance’s spending targets.

“Germany is and will remain a reliable NATO partner,” she said.

On the question of the future of Western powers’ agreement with Iran over its nuclear program, which Trump has threatened to withdraw from, Merkel showed a newfound willingness to revisit the issue.

“The agreement is a first step … but is not enough,” said Merkel, who has previously vigorously defended the pact.

After Trump’s election, some commentators described Merkel as the last beacon of the liberal Western order. At the press conference, however, the German leader sounded almost desperate to get on his good side.

“We need to learn to play our role as a large, economically successful country,” she said, adding that “the president also says that we [Germans] are economically successful but don’t want to engage as much militarily and politically.”

Trump responded by saying that the relationship between U.S. and Europe had “tremendous potential,” but had to be fair.

After the speaking to the press for about 20 minutes, Trump ended the news conference abruptly.

“Great job, thank you,” he said to Merkel, as he ushered her away from the microphones.


https://www.politico.eu/article/a-desperate-merkel-gets-trumped/


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Sun Apr 29, 2018 11:49 am

Pitanje je dokle će Nemačka moći da sedi na dve stolice
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by William Murderface on Sun Apr 29, 2018 12:52 pm

The worst Kraftwerk gig ever.


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Sun Apr 29, 2018 12:59 pm

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Xexoxical Endarchy on Sun Apr 29, 2018 1:06 pm

KinderLad wrote:Pitanje je dokle će Nemačka moći da sedi na dve stolice


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Filipenko on Sun Apr 29, 2018 3:27 pm

KinderLad wrote:Pitanje je dokle će Nemačka moći da sedi na dve stolice


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Mon Apr 30, 2018 3:34 pm

The strange isolation of Emmanuel Macron
A European nation needs allies — but the French president is struggling to find them

April 30, 2018 10:28 am by Gideon Rachman

Few international leaders cut a dash like Emmanuel Macron. Last week, the French president received a standing ovation from the US Congress. The week before he got the same treatment from the European Parliament. This week, Mr Macron is off to Australia.

At a time when Angela Merkel looks tired, Theresa May looks overwhelmed and Donald Trump looks berserk, the French president radiates energy, charisma and intelligence. His US trip generated laudatory headlines, with a Washington Post column arguing that “the fate of the western alliance is in Macron’s hands” and Politico proclaiming that Mr Macron is now the “new leader of the free world”.

But to lead you have to have followers — or at least close allies. So far, Mr Macron is struggling in that department. He has admirers in many western capitals (and in even more western newsrooms). But there is, as yet, little evidence that he can form international coalitions to shift the direction of world affairs.

This matters because there is a limit to what the leader of a middle-sized European power can do on his own. In recent generations, the most effective French and British statesmen were able to position themselves as shapers of international politics only in alliance with like-minded western leaders.

François Mitterrand, France’s president in the 1980s, worked closely with Helmut Kohl in Germany and Jacques Delors, the president of the European Commission. Around the same time, Margaret Thatcher was forging an alliance with Ronald Reagan. In the 1990s, Tony Blair’s claim to be a world leader was burnished by his “third way” alliance with Bill Clinton and Germany’s Gerhard Schröder.

By contrast, Mr Macron — for all his charm — is finding it hard to persuade others to follow his lead. Following his departure from Washington, Mr Trump called his French counterpart a “wonderful guy”. But for all the quirky, dandruff-plucking bonhomie between the two presidents, there is little evidence that Mr Macron was able to shift Mr Trump on anything substantive.

The major differences between the two leaders — on Iran, climate change and protectionism — remain in place. This is hardly surprising since, as Mr Macron made clear in his speech in Washington, he and Mr Trump are at different ends of the ideological spectrum.

The more natural arena for the French president to build alliances is Europe. But even there he is oddly isolated. Mr Macron has made a big bet on persuading Germany to take the next leap towards “ever closer union”, in particular by agreeing to a eurozone budget and finance minister. Yet the undoubted warmth felt towards Mr Macron in official Berlin has not proved enough to get Germany to move towards him. The suspicion that the Macron plan is just a fancy way of getting German taxpayers to fund an over-extended French state remains powerful and prohibitive.

Without strong German support, Mr Macron has few obvious alternatives. Brexit creates a natural divide with the UK, which is accentuated by the British suspicion that France is pushing the European Commission to take a particularly tough line in the negotiations.

The British were very appreciative of French support in the recent confrontation with Russia. But ad hoc moments of strategic co-operation between Britain and France, against the background of Brexit, are not a basis for Mr Macron to be the “leader” of a new western alliance.

France’s other possibilities do not look any more promising. Mr Macron is unwilling to position himself as the leader of a southern European faction, lest this stoke German suspicions of French fiscal laxity. Italy, dominated by the populists of the Five Star movement and the League, is anyway not a natural partner for France. The Dutch, meanwhile, are moulding a new, informal “Hanseatic League” of northern European countries that is even more suspicious of Mr Macron’s proposed eurozone reforms than the Germans.

Central Europe looks even worse. The French president has led the way in condemning “authoritarian democracy”, an unmistakable reference to the current governments of Hungary and Poland. His frankness is welcome and bold. But it is not winning many friends in central European chancelleries.

The one part of the EU where Mr Macron gets full-throated support is Brussels. In the corridors of the European Commission, the French president is regarded as a hero. But elsewhere in Brussels there are complications. The fact that Mr Macron leads a new party, La République en Marche, means that his supporters are not part of the established power structures in the European Parliament — which is a problem when it comes to shaping legislation and parcelling out the top jobs.

The danger for Mr Macron is that he could be a leader who is out of tune with the times. At home, he is a liberal economic reformer, at a time when “neoliberalism” has never been less fashionable. He is a pro-European at a time of mounting Euroscepticism across the EU. He is a globalist and an internationalist at a time when protectionism and nationalism are on the march.

There is honour in all those positions. But Mr Macron may be swimming against the tide of history, rather than surfing the wave.


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by KinderLad on Mon Apr 30, 2018 4:13 pm

Ja imam simpatije za njega, ali ovo se ne radi ovako kako on radi, i mislim da je u pitanju iskustvo, or rather lack thereof, u medjunarodnim odnosima. Pritisnuo je Merkel, tek sad je nesto kao uspeo sa Trumpom, ima ideje koje uzdrmavaju NATO, ne popusta u Brexitu, pljuje Poljsku i Madjarsku, rekao je to sta je rekao za Zapadni Balkan, distancira se od neto "potražiša" u južnoj Evropi, kod kuće alijenizuje dobar deo stanovništva reormama radnog zakonodavstva.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Mon Apr 30, 2018 4:16 pm



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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Filipenko on Wed May 02, 2018 11:10 pm

Vidim, dobili smo Kurca od Evrope, u budzetu nema sredstava za prosirenje do isteka, tj. do 2027. godine? 

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Wed May 02, 2018 11:14 pm

EVROPA NAM ZATVORILA VRATA DO 2027. GODINE? U predlogu budžeta nema mesta za Srbiju!

Evropska komisija predložila je danas povećanje budžeta za period od 2021. do 2027. godine na 1,28 biliona evra, koji treba da bude popunjen posle istupanja Britanije iz EU. Međutim, uprkos većem novcu u zajedničkoj kasi još dvadesetosmorke, nisu predviđena sredstva za dalje proširenje Unije.

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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Zuper on Wed May 02, 2018 11:51 pm

Thousands in Riga protest against Russian schools being forced to teach in Latvian

A large-scale protest against Russian schools being forced to teach in the Latvian language was held in Riga on May 1, RIA Novosti reported. Between 7,000 and 10,000 took part in the march along the central Brivibas Street, organizers said. The demonstrators carried banners, reading: “Latvia is my country. Russian is my language,” and “Russian schools = peace in Latvia,” and chanted: “Hands off Russian schools.” According to a new law, all of the schools in the former Soviet state are to switch to Latvian by 2021. Despite Russian speakers making up around 40 percent of Latvia’s population of 2 million, Russian is considered a foreign language. Passing a language test is a strict requirement for receiving Latvian citizenship, which results in hundreds of thousands of people, mainly ethnic Russians, only having a ‘non-citizen’ passport and limited rights.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Filipenko on Thu May 03, 2018 12:18 am




Putin ce naravno i ovo da propusti umesto da se energicno bori za ljudska prava Rusa u Letoniji i da to ukljuci u buduce agende sa tzv. EU.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Thu May 03, 2018 8:07 am


Commission budget proposal hardly makes EU enlargement possible
By Georgi Gotev | EURACTIV.com


The Commission proposal for the long-term EU budget for 2021-2027, unveiled on Wednesday (2 May), shows that the funds allocated for EU enlargement are 1.2 times superior to the previous budget period. But no country joined the EU in 2014-2020.

The Western Balkan hopefuls – Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo – realise that the mood has changed since 1 May 2004, when the EU opened its doors to 10 new members.

Today, they measure the temperature of the EU’s readiness to open up by the amounts proposed for EU pre-accession, and in the future – by the budget battles to come.

Conspicuously, the funds for the EU hopefuls are called “Pre-accession assistance”, the previous term “enlargement” appearing not once in the 31-page Communication.

“The Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance will support candidate countries and potential candidates on their path to fulfilling the accession criteria. It will moreover contribute to the achievement of broader European objectives of ensuring stability, security and prosperity in the immediate neighbourhood of the Union. It will also be positioned in the context of the Western Balkans Strategy and will reflect the developments in relations with Turkey,” is the only text in the Communication concerning the EU hopefuls.

In recent years, the EU avoids the term “enlargement”, having replaced it with “Western Balkans”, thus excluding Turkey, a country which, according the Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, is taking giant steps away from the EU.

The 19 October summit decided to cut down pre-accession funds for Turkey and re-orient some of them for the country’s civil society.

Pre-accession assistance for the 2021-2027 period will be 1.2 higher compared to the previous budget. This amounts to €12.865 billion in 2018 prices, which is equal to €14.5 billion in commitments in “current prices”, taking into account inflation.

Croatia was the last country to join the EU, in 2013. When the current Commission took over, Juncker said there would be no new enlargement under his term.

The 2018 Commission enlargement strategy for the first time made no mention of Turkey. It said that by 2025, the EU could become larger than 27 members. Montenegro, in particular, is singled out as a frontrunner, and also Serbia.

Only these two countries are conducting accession negotiations. Macedonia and Albania could follow, provided that the former solves its name dispute issue with Greece. The decision will be made by unanimity at the June EU summit.

Asked a question whether the proposed EU budget allow accession at all, Budget commissioner Gunther Oettinger said that the money allocated was designed to help reform in the next ten years. Not a single euro in the proposal was allocated for enlargement, he added, according to translation. If a new member state comes in, the EU will increase the funding, as it has been the case for Croatia, he added.


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Thu May 03, 2018 1:35 pm

Europe Has No Clue How to Handle an American Bully
Germany, France, and the U.K. all tried sucking up to Trump. They ended up helping kill the Iran deal.
By Stephen M. Walt | May 2, 2018, 5:24 PM


If the United States tears up the Iran nuclear deal — the multilateral agreement that is currently making it impossible for Iran to acquire nuclear weapons — it will be more than just a typical Trumpian blunder or evidence of the continued influence of the hard-line wing of the Israel lobby and its Saudi and Gulf Arab counterparts. It will also be another sign of Europe’s strategic irrelevance, and its leaders’ collective inability to either stand up to the United States or alter its thinking on an issue of paramount importance.

Let’s review the basics. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (as the Iran nuclear deal is formally known) is a multilateral agreement between Iran, the United States, Russia, China, France, Great Britain, Germany, and the European Union. It required Iran to severely reduce its enrichment capability and its stockpiles of enriched uranium, thereby rendering it incapable of producing a nuclear weapon. It also placed other restrictions on its nuclear infrastructure and established an unparalleled level of international inspections. Taken together, these measures ensure that Iran cannot get a bomb in secret or “break out” and obtain a bomb quickly. In exchange for these concessions, the other signatories agreed to lift international sanctions on Iran and allow it to gradually reintegrate itself into the international community.

The European states, Russia, and China all strongly support the agreement. Is this because they are naive? No, it’s because they understand that all the alternatives are worse, and that engaging with Iran is more likely to reduce the power of hardliners there than ostracizing it. Letting the nuclear deal collapse makes it more likely that Iran will eventually decide to sprint for the bomb, and more so when it sees the newfound respect that North Korean leader Kim Jong Un obtained once his country had developed a genuine nuclear and missile capacity of its own. To prevent Iran from imitating the North Korean example, the United States would have to launch yet another preventive war in the Middle East, with incalculable consequences for a region that has been convulsed by war since the ill-fated invasion of Iraq in 2003.

Since the agreement was signed, both the International Atomic Energy Agency and the U.S. government have repeatedly acknowledged that Iran is complying with its terms. Ironically, as Peter Beinart points out, it is the United States that may already be violating the agreement, by repeatedly seeking to deny Iran any of the economic benefits it was promised. And U.S. President Donald Trump continues to denounce the deal, without explaining what is wrong with it or how he will improve it. Instead, he or his top advisors have repeatedly hinted that he’ll tear the whole thing up on May 12.

Enter the Europeans. In response to Trump’s threats to leave the agreement, three key European leaders — French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and British Prime Minister Theresa May — have gone to great lengths to persuade Trump to do the right thing. Macron came to the White House in his self-appointed role as Trump’s new best friend, Merkel followed up with a short visit a few days later, and May reportedly reached out to Trump by telephone. In an attempt to mend her own strained relationship with the White House, May even agreed that Trump could visit London this summer, despite his previous insults against her and London Mayor Sadiq Khan, and his unpopularity among the British population.

But instead of getting tough with Trump and warning him that Europe would both stick to the deal and defy any subsequent U.S. effort to impose secondary sanctions on them, all three leaders chose to mollify and flatter Trump instead. Macron tried to persuade Trump to let him “mediate” some sort of a new deal between the various parties, only to say at the end of his visit that he believed Trump would nix the deal for “domestic reasons.” Next up was Merkel, who held a three-hour meeting with Trump and then told reporters that the current nuclear agreement was “not sufficient.” May reportedly then conferred with Macron and Merkel after their trips to Washington, and the three leaders sought to present a united front that was crafted to support the deal without alienating Trump.

The practical result of all this sucking up was disastrous. The top European powers had effectively caved in to the Trump administration’s view that the Iran deal is inadequate and has to be either replaced or supplemented by additional agreements.



In theory, there would be nothing wrong with talking to Iran about any current activities that the United States or its allies find objectionable. If the United States were still strongly committed to the agreement and fulfilling its own obligations to it, nothing would stop it from pressuring Iran over other issues, or trying to get them to agree to additional, separate agreements that left the current deal intact and dealt with these other matters. Indeed, one reason it would be nice to have formal diplomatic relations with Tehran and to expand U.S. economic ties with them is that this would give the United States a ready channel for communicating its views, greater insight into their thinking and their politics, and maybe a bit more leverage over the Iranian economy. But here’s a pro tip: Don’t expect Tehran to simply keel over and do whatever you demand of them. A future agreement addressing other issues (e.g., ballistic missiles, regional activities) will have to have something in it for Iran. And don’t forget that Iran may have some issues it wants to raise with the United States. Assuming that some future negotiation will be a one-sided affair where the United States makes demands and Iran simply complies is silly.

Of course, longtime opponents of the deal have floated the idea of “fixing” the agreement as a ploy to destroy it completely. They’ve been hoping that either Trump will tear it up, or that Iran will refuse to revise the deal (which it has the right to do), thereby opening up the path to war. Or maybe they’re hoping Tehran will tire of the whole charade and abandon the deal itself. But by embracing the Trump administration’s claim that the deal is flawed and needs to be “supplemented,” the European leaders attempting to work with the president have unwittingly aligned themselves with the agreement’s opponents. In a misguided attempt to win over Trump to save the deal, they have in fact become Trump’s enablers.

Why are the Europeans acting this way?

One reason is that they were worried Trump would not exempt them from the steel and aluminum tariffs he announced two months ago. Slapping tariffs on these countries makes no economic sense and risks a destructive global trade war, but Trump has done equally dumb things before (such as jettisoning the Trans-Pacific Partnership). From the European perspective, defying Trump over Iran just made it more likely that he would lash out and take steps that will hurt people on both sides of the Atlantic.

A more profound reason is that these leaders suspect Trump has no real affection for NATO, the Atlantic community, or any of the other shibboleths of the foreign-policy establishment. He has said a few nice things about NATO since becoming president and has even affirmed his commitment to Article 5 on several occasions, but nobody really thinks he means it. If you are Merkel, Macron, or May, however, and your country has grown comfortable relying on the U.S. security umbrella, appeasing Washington comes naturally no matter who is in the White House.


Indeed, the European response to Trump shows how successfully the United States has tamed and subordinated the former great powers that once dominated world politics. After 70-plus years of letting Uncle Sam run the show, European leaders can barely think in strategic terms, let alone act in a tough-minded fashion when they are dealing with the United States. It doesn’t help that Germany, the world’s fourth largest economy, is in a state of self-inflicted disarmament and incapable of influencing events beyond the eurozone itself.

Europe once boasted leaders with real stature — such as Winston Churchill, Charles de Gaulle, Konrad Adenauer, and even Margaret Thatcher. By comparison, recent European leaders have mostly been smaller-than-life figures such as David Cameron and François Hollande. Merkel has been an exception, but her clout has diminished sharply in the past year and she is in any case nearing the end of her political career. To her credit, the European Union’s high representative for foreign affairs, Federica Mogherini, has been steadfast and eloquent in defending the Iran nuclear deal, but she speaks from a position with little or no real power. When Europe’s leaders cannot summon the will to stand up to a tin-pot autocrat like Viktor Orban, expecting them to show some spine when dealing with Trump is a bridge too far.

To be clear: I’m not for one minute suggesting that Europe’s leaders are worse than America’s. The United States is, after all, the country that elected George W. Bush twice and Donald Trump once (so far). Nonetheless, Europe’s near-supine deference to Washington is not healthy, because it just encourages and enables America’s worst instincts. Caving into a bully may spare you some pain in the short term, but it reinforces the bully’s belief that threats and bluster invariably succeed. Do these people seriously think Donald Trump will appreciate what they are doing and reward them in the future? Have they been paying attention?


If the Iran deal eventually dies, in short, Macron, May, and Merkel will need to reflect on their contribution to its demise. Trump will deserve most of the blame, of course, but the Europeans’ misguided efforts to appease Trump in the hope of saving the deal will have played a role as well.

https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/05/02/europe-has-no-clue-how-to-handle-an-american-bully/


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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Anduril on Thu May 03, 2018 10:22 pm

Dobar tekst i validan argument - videcemo kako ce se situacija razvijati. Mada, pitanje je takodje sta bi se desilo u alternativnom slucaju, tj. Evropa osudi Trampa, ovaj izadje iz sporazuma a onda opet kritika da nije nista pokusano da se izbegne katastrofa.
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Re: EU - what's next?

Post by Gargantua on Thu May 03, 2018 10:50 pm

Ako T izađe onda EU ima tri opcije: da prati Ameriku i gleda šta će dalje biti, da pokuša da nabaci temu nekakvog drugačijeg ili novog sporazuma dok pokušava da minimizuje štetu, ili da ostane pri sporazumu i ubeđuje Iran, zajedno sa R i K, da ne eskalira sukob i da svi sem A treba da nastave u sličnom ritmu.

Četvrta opcija koja seče sve ostale je da EU3 ne mogu da se dogovore oko zajedničkog kursa, a to onda otvara x drugih problema. Ovo deluje dovoljno realno samo po sebi.


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It's a sin that somehow
Light is changing to shadow
And casting it's shroud
Over all we have known
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Re: EU - what's next?

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