jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Gargantua

Posts : 11316
Join date : 2015-11-22

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Gargantua on Tue Aug 01, 2017 9:01 am

jbt, nisam znao ni da je (bio) živ


Preminuo Anton Vratuša
jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 255x160_155787-vretusa
Foto: pixabay

U Ljubljani je u 103. godini preminuo akademik Anton Vratuša, koji je između ostalog bio stalni predstavnik SFRJ u Ujedinjenim nacijama, potpredsednik vlade i predsednik Skupštine Slovenije.

Naučnik, lingvista i diplomata je završio studije slavistike i doktorirao na Filozofskom fakultetu u Ljubljani 1941. godine, a 1950. treći stepen društvenih nauka na Visokoj političkoj školi u Beogradu.
Vratuša je bio učesnik narodno-oslobodilačke borbe, a posle Drugog svetskog rata vršio je brojne visoke državne funkcije u bivšoj Jugoslaviji.
On je od 1985. godine redovni član Slovenačke akademije nauke i umetnosti. Bio je dobitnik brojnih nagrada.
Rođen je 1915. godine u Donjim Slavčama, objavio je više od 350 stručnih rasprava i članaka.

После ослобођења вршио, је одговорне дужности у Републици и Федерацији:

заменик начелног одељења Управе државне безбедности ФНР Југославије
заменик начелника Друге Управе генералштаба ЈНА
начелник одељења и опуномоћени министар у Државном секретаријату за иностране послове
шеф Кабинета потпредседника Савезног извршног већа
шеф Кабинета председника Савезне скупштине у звању државног подсекретара од 1953. до 1965. године
директор Института друштвених наука у Београду од 1965. до 1967. године
изасланик Уједињених нација у Југозападној Африци од октобра 1966. до јуна 1967. године
стални представник СФР Југославије у Уједињеним нацијама од 1967. до 1969. године
посланик Савезне скупштине од 1965. до 1967. године
заменик државног секретара за иностране послове
председник Извршног већа Скупштине СР Словеније од априла 1978. до јула 1980. године
bruno sulak

Posts : 22547
Join date : 2014-10-27

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by bruno sulak on Tue Aug 01, 2017 10:03 am

djibus, ovo ko kad je levi stros umro i svi se iznenadili da je i dalje ziv


_____
The law provides us structure to guide us through paralyzing and trying times. But it requires us a vision to its procedures and higher purposes. Before we assume our respective roles in this enduring drama just let me say that when these frail shadows we inhabit now have quit the stage we'll meet and raise a glass again together in Valhalla.
beatakeshi

Posts : 9950
Join date : 2014-12-12

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by beatakeshi on Tue Aug 01, 2017 11:39 am

Jel' on Žunjićev tast?
bruno sulak

Posts : 22547
Join date : 2014-10-27

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by bruno sulak on Tue Aug 01, 2017 2:32 pm

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 20476092_1949982605282870_2839912358057351987_n


_____
The law provides us structure to guide us through paralyzing and trying times. But it requires us a vision to its procedures and higher purposes. Before we assume our respective roles in this enduring drama just let me say that when these frail shadows we inhabit now have quit the stage we'll meet and raise a glass again together in Valhalla.
bruno sulak

Posts : 22547
Join date : 2014-10-27

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by bruno sulak on Tue Aug 01, 2017 4:44 pm

http://redunion.info/

hipsteraj al levi, nas.


_____
The law provides us structure to guide us through paralyzing and trying times. But it requires us a vision to its procedures and higher purposes. Before we assume our respective roles in this enduring drama just let me say that when these frail shadows we inhabit now have quit the stage we'll meet and raise a glass again together in Valhalla.
Lucky908

Posts : 348
Join date : 2014-11-11

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Lucky908 on Wed Aug 02, 2017 12:38 pm

lep je MP40, aka zapad, bez brade!
Indy

Posts : 5556
Join date : 2014-11-04

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Indy on Wed Aug 02, 2017 2:29 pm

El on vokalni ispolnitel, cenim? Fini, tesan pank.


_____
Eto šta škola učini od čoveka! A mogao je da bude majstor, kad toliko voli.
Lucky908

Posts : 348
Join date : 2014-11-11

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Lucky908 on Wed Aug 02, 2017 9:47 pm

Indy wrote:El on vokalni ispolnitel, cenim? Fini, tesan pank.

Koliko znam, jeste.
Gargantua

Posts : 11316
Join date : 2015-11-22

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Gargantua on Sun Aug 13, 2017 2:03 pm

Autorski tekst Branka Mamule za britanski državni (ili nešto najbliže tome) RUSI Journal (The Royal United Services Institute Journal) posvećen bezbednosnim i vojnim pitanjima, početak 1991. Zanimljiv tekst iz tog vremena, a posebno zbog toga gde je dobio prostor.


Spoiler:

Yugoslavia at а Time of Change - her Future, Cohesion and Security
FLEET ADMIRAL BRANКO МАМULА


 
Yugoslavia today is very often painted in dark and dramatic colours. Тhе concern for our future is not only shown bу our many friends from all over the world, but also bу all those objective observers, par­ticularly from Europe, who for decades were used to looking upon Yugoslavia as а factor of general stabil­ity in world relations.

Yugoslavia is generally seen as а country in а deep crisis. Besides the USSR and Romania, Yugoslavia is also listed as а reason for NATO's retention of its function in the security system of Europe. If Yugoslavia is viewed in that light, we shall see that serious inter-ethnic tensions exist which are eluding the control of constitutional institutions and which could lead to military intervention. We can also see her as а scene of constitutional crisis, where the nec­essary discussions about the future organisation of the country are lacking, and as а state in which the polit­ical institutions are inefficient.

However, if we tried to recognize the processes that are being started, parallel to the existing trouhles, we could discern the foundations that are being laid down for а new and different Yugoslavia. We would see that efforts are made to find adequate solutions which would еnаblе her political institu­tions to answer the many challenges arising from the changes on both the European and the world scene. Finally, we should see Yugoslavia as having followed а consistent foreign policy on the world stage (the UN, the Non-aligned movement, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)), but also closer to home, in line with her geostrategic position (in the Balkans and Mediterranean), along all lines of her foreign policy; thus significantly contributing to world and European security.

Since 1945, Yugoslavia has undergone а dynamic transformation, both in internal development and in her foreign policy orientation. Non-alignment on the international scene and her movement towards democratic self-managing socialism on the domestic front, are inseparable and interdependent, and have reflected the original interests and the nature of Yugoslav society. The fact that the aforementioned Yugoslav options proved to bе successful, making Yugoslavia politically one of the most stable coun­tries for а long period, with dynamic economic devel­opment, inevitably puts one in а dilemma. The question now is to explain the weakened stability of the country today. ls it the inabiliity to adapt to change? Has conservativism captured the Yugoslav spirit and prevented it from accepting new challenges, that spirit which in 1948 broke away from Stalin and the model of socialism which today admits its histor­ical failure. The answer to these questions should and can only bе found on Yugoslav soil.


Yugoslav socialist and democratic development

In order to substantiate this argument, it is neces­ sary to look back to the authenticity of the Yugoslav development process, its advantages and disadvant­ ages viewed in the light of the cuпent changes sweeping across Eastern Europe and Europe as а whole.

The period of Yugoslavia's development headed bу Tito was the period of progress, with new freedoms won, when economic development was consolidated - and the international position of the Socialist Feder­ated Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) strengthened. Yugoslavia began to develop during the great anti fascist and national liberation struggle and continued through the period of the Cold War, through the sharp military and political divisions of Europe and the arms race between the Super Powers and the blосs.

The war for the liberation of the country had its price and Yugoslavia paid for her freedom and inde­pendence with the lives of ten per cent of her citizens; such was the risky decision of а small country to choose her own way in а divided Europe and the world. With an important geostrategic position in the Balkans and the Mediterranean, situated between the advanced armies of the two confronting blосs, at times we also risked our own security. There were periods when direct threats of war were used in an attempt to impose upon us а different concept and system of internal development and international position from the one that we had chosen ourselves.

We had to suffer the material and developmental consequences of our non-aligned policy. Questions were asked in the country, particularly bу the young, as to whether the price of this independent and non­ aligned policy was not too high. The younger genera­tion looked more pragmatically upon а Europe which was re-aligning and adapting to new relations in production. The free flow of European influences through open borders and communications was too great to monitor and guide with the help of different organisations.

Already in this period, and particularly at the beginning of the seventies, the need was growing for the gradual modernisation of the Yugoslav state, economy and political system. Тito's death created а vacuum amidst the culmination of objective demands for profound structural changes, and ideological and political innovations. Lacking а developed, single strategy of the evolutionary continuation of Tito's work, which would have enabled Yugoslavia to adapt to the new conditions, meant that falling into the trap of defending Tito's historical role in а dogmatic way could not bе avoided. This slowed down the nec­essary moves to refоrm.

The collapse of the so-called real-socialist systems caught Yugoslavia in the process of instituting reforms aimed at switching to а market economy. The profound crisis of our socio-political system had begun much earlier. Still, it was not as drastic as in East European countries, because our system was sig­nificantly different. However, Yugoslavia is still in the phase of identifying the processes of genuine reform and democracy on which the future of the country can bе built, and the link with Europe and the world established. She is trying to separate these processes from superficial reforms and from expres­sions of national passion, bу settling accounts from the past and, with the attempt at constituting political, state and legal relations, to organise the future Yugoslav community.

The existence of conflicting economic and polit­ical interests in the country and the legitimacy of dif­ferent political parties and ideological views is the reality which we accept as the natural and progressive phase in the development of Yugoslav society. Multi party elections have been held in four republics, with two further republics voting in December 1990.

What is most needed in Yugoslavia today is а search for а form of pluralism which, based on democracy and human rights, will activate the many cohesive mechanisms of the Yugoslav community. Due to the economic climate, the crisis of the polit­ical system and inter-ethnic tensions, those mechanisms have been pushed into the background.

The course of reforms which we have implemented provides only theoretical answers about the direction Yugoslavia could take in the future. The process of seeking practical ways and solutions still continues, more in the political, but also in the economic sphere. However, it is accompanied bу confusion and confrontations. Attempts are being made to  impose solutions that sprang from the rubble of 'real­ socialism', despite the fact that we have never lived in such а system. We are neglecting the fact that we have always evolved our own governmental system and doctrinal models. We have done this for а very simple reason; we found ourselves in more complex internal and international conditions than other European countries. The complexity is not an advantage, but it is the Yugoslav constant with which we have о reckon.


Тhе development of democracy

On the basis of what we have gone through in our own development process, I can draw several conclu­sions which may bе of importance.

The world that was being born during the great anti-colonial revolution found in the Yugoslav ex­perience а political beacon. The passion generated bу the Cold War and the ideological and blос divisions was checked, and its global spreading was averted through the Non-aligned Movement. The relaxation of tension and the establishment of relations between the great powers and their respective blосs on the basis of реасе, cooperation and mutual security were among the fundamental goals of the policy of non­ alignment.

Despite difficulties and failures, Yugoslavia has been developing faster and more successfully than any other East European country and has gained the experience necessary for the implementation of the reforms that she is undertaking. Her aims, initiatives and achievements have in many ways, in the past few years, influenced policy changes and social relations in other East European countries. The process of democratic reform in Yugoslavia began much earlier than the events which, in 1989, brought about the fall of the 'real-socialist' systems.

In the 1960s, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia made serious efforts to democratise and transform itself into а modem party. Unfortunately those efforts were discouraged bу the student demon­strations and the nationalistic movements in some republics later in that decade. We from the Armed Forces adopted а very critical attitude towards the League of Communists, particularly towards the dogmatism and bureaucratic lack of perception of the pending changes. Several years ago we sounded а warning about the dangers of inflexible attitudes to changing situations. These changes were not possible without democratic reforms in the very leading party whose influence upon all societal institutions was still decisive.

In answering the question 'Where is the place of Yugoslavia in а transformed Europe?', I would like to point out the historical truth that the socialist and democratic society of Yugoslavia has been created bу our own forces: it has not been given to us, nor has it been imposed upon us, which is not the case with other East European countries. Our society has had its ups and downs, but it is quite authentic. No East European or Soviet socialist principle has ever prevailed, and it will not prevail in the current trans formations. We have to build our own model of socio-political and economic reforms. It is not ап easy thing to do: conservativism, uncritical national attitudes, irrationality and euphoria have brought the country into crisis.

Since the League of Communists broke up at the beginning of 1990, it is very important for the preser­vation of the federal state, as well as for the democratisation of current reforms and the future of the country, if different ideological and political organisations were formed. However, what is happening is exactly the opposite, some national and repub­lican parties being formed are based оп narrow and retrogressive attitudes. Mutually conflicted on the territory of each republic аnd between the republics, а proportion are expressly autocratic and militant, bringing back the ghosts of the past, threatening human freedom and encroaching on the national rights of other peoples. The Yugoslav political reality has been brought to а critical state, and as of late, to а constitutional crisis.

It is clear to every objective observer in the country and abroad that the victories of these parties in some republics were the result of the expectations of citizens coming out of the long economic and politi­cal crisis of the one party system, the party state and the commanded economy. Those victories were more а revenge on the past than а real comprehension of the future.


Тhе Kosovo crisis

One of the specific causes of instability in the country is the Kosovo problem. Kosovo is а good example of past failures, of the insufficiency of our strategies in pre-crisis times, as well as illustrating the imperfections of our federal system. After the implementation of separatist legislation, а forced exodus of Serbs and Montenegrians followed, together with the policy which was based on the extremely high birth rate to realise an ethnically pure province. Albanian­ Yugoslav relations were strained, especially in the border regions populated bу ethnic Albanians, and complicated bу the separatist movernent and bу mis­ understandings on both sides. The current develop­ment of events and the attempt to introduce а constitution, thereby proclaiming Kosovo а republic with а right to secession, have exposed the many roots of the Kosovo crisis. These events have exposed the attack against the foundations of the Yugoslav state and the real problems of reform and effecting а democratic transformation of all ethnic communities in this province, the Albanian being the largest.

In spite of the seriousness of our position, we can and we must resolve it ourselves. We expect support from all our friends in Europe and the world, particu­larly from th USA, and I must say that we usually get it. That is why we are surprised that some coun­tries, particularly the USA, try from time to time to impose their own solutions, bу advising on the run­ning of elections, or bу giving financial priority to some republics and imposing restrictions upon others. It is in the interests of реасе, cooperation and the collective security of Europe that support is not given to those forces and tendencies that could cause unrest or conflict.


The issues of cohesion and the future of the Yugoslav community

In the modem history of the Balkans, which coin­cides with the awakening of national consciousness in the Yugoslav people and their struggle for national liberation, different ideas and aspirations for unifica­tion have also emerged. One of them was the agree­ment to assess the conviction of our people that their salvation lay in unification. The historical meaning and value of that understanding lies in the fact that this belief did not disappear but was held bу people of all classes and political beliefs for generations. Parallel with an increasing awareness that only bу pooling forces and uniting in а single community could they realize their centuries' long aspirations for national, political and cultural emancipation - the idea of а Yugoslav state, which was attained in 1918, at the end of the First World War.

Since the establishment of Yugoslavia as а state obstructed the attempts of the Axis powers to realise their influence in the Balkans and the Mediter­ranean, оnе of the basic aims of Hitler's aggression against Yugoslavia was to destroy it as а state and erase it from the mар of Europe. It is not а coincid­ence that the belligerent and occupying parties tried to prove that the existence of Yugoslavia as а state community was not possible in the light of the cen­turies' long division of her peoples, their different development and the affiliation of some of them to Eastern and others to Western tradition and culture. Today, the leaders of the nationalist forces in the country are trying to prove the same thing again in order to reshape and destroy Yugoslavia. They claim that there was no basis for the creation of Yugoslavia in 1918, that the civil leaders of the leading peoples tricked each other-the Serbs pushed through uni­tarism, the Croats rescued their territories from the Italians, the Slovenians avoided being drowned in the great 'German Sea'. 

The permanent crisis and the collapse in 1941 of monarchic Yugoslavia, as well as the present crisis, reveal а complexity and potential for conflict within the community. These are the consequences of the difference in levels of development between the Yugoslav republics.

Under the leadership of Marshal Tito, one of the most important achievements of the National Libera­tion War of 1941 to 1945 was the restoration of Yugoslav statehood. As а tom and divided country under the occupation, with all sorts of collaboration and propaganda, this would not have been possible if it had not been based on realistic historical and polit­ical foundations. Without the restoration of the com­mon state and its political and military powers, and without а strengthened international position and reputation, it would not have been possible to liber­ ate and bring back as part of the country lstria, the Slovenian littoral, the Adriatic lslands and the towns of Zadar and Rijeka.


Importance of integration

Only а strong Yugoslav community, with а well chosen and adequate concept of security and defence could survive to secure an undisturbed internal devel­opment and а non-aligned international position against а Europe separating into blосs, bearing in mind the linking of forces in the Southem European theatre.

The area in which the Yugoslav people live has been historically, economically, and in terms of com­munications, аn integrated territory. This is still the case in the most recent projections of Yugoslav devel­opment and the regional European linkage (the so called pentagonal). Natural resources are spread dif­ferently over the republics and integrate the national economy-energy, minerals, agricultural complexes and tourism, natural and ecological potentials, and so on. The differences between economic, and indus­trial development, which were significant at the end of the Second World War, have been greatly reduced, and, in large parts of the country, brought to а minimum. The people's republics have become industrially developed and have reached the level on which they can cooperate and enter joint projects among themselves, as well as with partners from abroad.

Yugoslavia has entered the period of modem technological development and economic conditions which lead to the strengthening of the social com­munity. Economic conditions have outgrown national and state borders in search of wider regional areas. Without doubt, Yugoslavia is more suited to the new market economy, its standards, institutions and mechanisms, than any other East European country, including Czechoslovakia and Hungary whose industrial development was consolidated as far back as 1930.

Due to historical circumstances, Serbs and Croats are today intermingled in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Vojvodina. When the Serbs in Croatia were denied their constitutional rights during the recent changes in the constitution, relations became very tense, causing conflicts which have become the daily business of the domestic and the international media. Тhе problem in Bosnia and Herzegovina is even more complex, because there, the largest group is made up of Muslims living alongside Serbs and Croats, who are largely organised into national par­ties and are in some way attached to their own people republics.


Inter-ethnic relations

Since its creation as а state, Yugoslavian inter ethnic relations have been а major cause of dissension. Solutions to inter-ethnic problems have been sought through the constitutional and legal reorganisation of the state, which led to the 'flexible federation'.

As the largest groups, relations between Serbs and Croats are decisive. Тhе state unification of Serbs or Croats is not possible without the appropriation of other territories - firstly Bosnian territory and conseqently of other people. Under such conditions, the type of confederation which is proposed bу Slovenia and Croatia is not ассерtаblе, not because one is afraid that it would lead to secession, although the right to secession is not disputed, but laid down in the Constitution of the country. However, the creation of а national state, either Serbian or Croatian, is not possible without bloodshed. Nor is the confederation proposed bу westem republics, for another reason - the inefficient functioning of federal institutions. Three important factors which have had а negative influence on these institutions, as well as affecting inter-ethnic relations are:

- The Constitution of 1974 - The federal state lost its vital functions in all spheres of economic life, while the power to administer the country was passed on to the leaderships of the republics. То а certain extent, the prerogatives of the republics were expanded into the sphere of foreign policy, security and the defence of the country. Тhе introduction of the system of delegation created the possibility for small groups оf people that were placed high up in the hierarchy of their republics to bring all important decisions, not only in their respective republics, but thanks to the system of consensus, also to the federation.

- Divisions within the League of Communists - These were on a national basis besides taking place within the national and republic divisions, thus posing leaders of the League as the main protagonists of the divisions between different republics.
 
- The restricted system of information and public communication - This is confined within the borders of each republic, thereby preventing the flow of common Yugoslav values via the media of separate republics. The media war, greatly responsible for the existing situation, has been started and it threatens to get out of hand.

This sort of division and political violence has had an effect on both social relations and on production. Тhе ferocity manifested bу these leaders in public fur­ther proves their intentions to cause blооdу conflicts but does not reflect the mood of their followers, except those of the smaller extremist groups. Although national homogenisation could bе an expression of the desire for restoration, it is more their intention to boost pressure bу striking sensitive chords of national values and myths, thereby increasing their power.


Outdated concept

The concept of а compact nation state was characteristic of the 19th century. But such а state can no longer adequately stimulate development, as an inde­pendent economic, cultural, and political unit; it no longer has а chance for the future, nor can it serve as an adequate political organization сараblе of pulling society out of а crisis. А nation state is no longer the only guarantor of national production. Nor is there any longer а state which independently decides the fate of her citizens. The new form of totalitarianism, in which an individual does not have freedom of choice, but has to blindly оbеу the rule of the com­munity, the political and cultural elite, and а leader who decides on behalf of the nation, has been super­seded in all civilised societies.

The elimination of political tensions is of paramount importance for the survival of Yugoslavia and her involvement in European processes. The continuation of such tensions can only bе the cause of new conflicts, even in Europe, obstructing the processes of democracy, cooperation and integration. It is necessary to understand the fact that the disinte­gration of the Yugoslav economy and society stand in the way of her integration into Europe. An underde­veloped and disintegrated Yugoslavia will not bе аblе to survive in the contradictory and extremely diffi­cult conditions of the new European power structure.


Transformations of European security and cooperation

One cannot speak with much certainty about re­alignment in Europe. We are faced with the ques­tions posed bу current changes in Eastern Europe, in the ideological and geopolitical sense. Do they mean that Europe will cease to bе bipolar, moving from the classic division between East and West to new conflicts between the centre and the periphery, or conflicts between the new political and economic groups?

This year's free elections in the countries of Eastem Europe marked the end of party states, but it wilt bе some time before modem pluralistic and democratic societies can bе established. Much time and effort will bе required to adapt to the new demands before Central Europe can confront the enormous problems posed bу the transition to а post­ industrial society. Meanwhile, the security of the new Europe is threatened bу the rise of nationalism in East European countries and bу crises in the multina­tional states, such as the USSR and Yugoslavia, and а significant number of minor border disputes. One should anticipate any conditions that the West may set for its assistance and remain wary of integration, because it could bring disillusionment and lead to а resumption of authoritarian power. It is evident that the events in Eastern Europe could not bypass West European integration and the Atlantic Alliance, and that Central Europe must now accommodate itself within the new structures determined bу the realign­ment in European security: the unification of Ger­many and the gradual shaping of а new strategic balance in the centre of the continent; Anglo-French and German cooperation, the strengthening of the role of the United Kingdom and France in the area of European Security; the motives of American strategy in Europe and the US role on the global plane now that the Soviet Union has abandoned its role of а global Superpower and turned towards solving its own problems. The USSR is pursuing а defensive policy, hoping to alleviate its losses in Central Europe and moving towards the opening of channels for economic cooperation with the West and insisting on the acceptance of the new system of collective security in Europe.

Only after the identification of the possible orien­tation of the leading nations can one discern the elements of future institutional solutions. The insti­tutionalisation of the CSCE, as the all-European pro­cess, has created а possibility for the CSCE to bе transmuted from а political forum into an interna­tional legal forum, assuming some of the obligations of а state. Since the areas of greatest unpredictabllity are those where changes are the most dramatic-in Germany and Central and Eastem Europe--one can expect surprises, as long as intemational organisa­tions and obligations are not established through the common system of European security. In the mean time, NATO and the remnants of the Warsaw Pact cannot adequately provide for the security of Europe, in view of the fact that the upset balance left NAТО in а dual role, particularly when East European coun­tries are in question and events in Germany are uncertain.


Yugoslavian security in а changing Europe

Due to the changes in the USSR and Eastem Europe, the security of smaller countries is much improved. However, at the same time, their share of the responsibility for international stability is also increasing. This particularly concerns those countries in which internal problems are very clearly defined and obviously influence their international position.

One of the negative consequences of the many startling changes in Europe is the significantly reduced importance of Yugoslavia's geostrategic posi­tion. This stemmed from а contradiction in the strategic interests of the Superpowers and the blосs in relation to Yugoslavian territory, and their intention to dominate the European continent and the Mediterranean. They were most concerned to pre­vent the opposing side from gaining control over Yugoslavian territory. lt was this conflict which determnined our independent policy and the strategic­ ally defensive position that we assumed in the past.

Some major European countries view Yugoslavia and her territory from different perspectives when it comes to their strategic constants in the Balkans and the Mediteranean. Influenced not only bу historical experience, but also bу possible political and eco­nomic ambitions, we are pondering whether or not а united Germany will show her strategic interests in the Balkans and the Mediterranean in the foreseeable future, and if, in that context, а united Yugoslavia would bе preferable to а collection of independent states. Taking into account the constant of her Mediteranean strategy, one wonders about Russian interests in the region, even with her reduced state structure. I hope that the Mediterranean countries can anticipate different developments within the Mediteranean region and look favourably on the unity of the Yugoslav community and its projects for democracy and reform.
 

Stability ensured bу military presence

Europe is not threatened in the foreseeable future with а large-scale armed conflict. The basic questions confronting European order and development are not military in nature, but rather political and economic. The рrоbаblе danger to small and medium-sized countries could well bе from the military and paramilitary forces that are trained to wage wars of intervention and to apply other forms of force. Modem military powers give development priorities to such forces, while their deployment is planned in accordance with the doctrine of low intensity con­flicts. It seems likely that the crisis of Eastern Europe, combined with the instability of Southem Europe will, in the long run, threaten the process of building а stable реасе and mutual cooperation in the region. Therefore, the retention of а significant military presence in those critical or unstable areas, including Yugoslavia, would bе desirable.

While examining European security, the ideolo­gical and social rivalry between East and West should bе looked at carefully, though not necessarily negatively. The idea of eliminating ideology from international relations, is, of course, an impossibility. For Yugoslavia, however, ideological conflicts are inevitable, considering the different levels of social and political developments and with an еуе on the courses pursued bу her neighbouring countries: Romania, Bulgaria, Albania and Hungary.

Yugoslavia and her immediate neighbours have not isolated the strategic space. The South of Europe, with the Balkans and the Mediteranean, is at а turning point regarding crucial development and political issues, and is consequently the subject of increased interest. This is where the positive trends of а general European commitment to strengthen security and cooperation are confronted bу the deep rooted residues of conflict and political domination. In this context Yugoslavia and the Balkans are considered the region of crisis, wiith the constant risk of local antagonism. The emergence of Yugoslavia from the present crisis presupposes the elimination of such risk. Her guarantee against this is her ability to pre­serve territorial integrity and independence, both as а society and as а state.

In the event of а crisis, should we have to protect our own integrity and survival bу resorting to repres­sive means-including the use of the military force-we are convinced that Yugoslavia would bе аblе to control the situation within her borders. That would not bе possible in the event of foreign interfer­ence: any act of aggression against Yugoslavia would inevitably infect neighbouring regions and seriously threaten реасе and security in Europe. Therefore, the preservation of Yugoslavia serves European interests, and it is for this reason that World and European pol­icy makers give priority to the stability, unity and integrity of Yugoslavia.


National defence requirements

The changes that have taken р\асе overall in European relations, as well as within Yugoslavia and her immediate neighbourhood demand that defence be reviewed and measures taken to update the security system and the organisation of the armed forces. In the past, we based our national defence on the assess­ment of the following:  

- Internal political stability;  inter-republic  ideological and political unity and cohesion in inter-ethnic relations;
- Тhе ideological and political role of the League of Communists-active in defence and deputising for the state in case of а total or partial failure within the sys­tem.
- Тhе domination of the modern world bу the strategic bipolarism of the Super Powers and the blосs.

Of course, these general suppositions no longer corespond with the facts. However, the changes within the balance of power have not brought into question the basic functions of Yugoslavian defence; the deterrence of aggression; the efficient resistance to different forms of military interventionism; reso­lute and rapid action in the event of aggression. All these functions will remain, only the priorities are changed, depending on the relevant factors of every possible situation that may arise.

The components of the Armed Forces-the Yugoslav Peoples' Army (УРА) and the Territorial Defence are being integrated on all levels of organisation, command and control into one system of the country's armed forces, with the aim of preventing any possible abuse of Тerritorial Defence. Objective observers admit that the army has shown restraint and common sense, and that it has no intention of interfering unless circumstances demand it. However, the УРА must not allow itself to bе pushed to the margins, fail in its constitutional obligations, or dis­sappoint the expectations of most Yugoslav citizens.


Military support for political reforms

The Army has also taken а stance on the import­ant issues of democratic and social reform and this supports the organisation of Yugoslavia as а modem, pluralistic and democratic federal state. The Army leadership is not conservative, as it is often described, nor does it defend anything from the past that is not of lasting value. Not all our former values should bе summarily discarded, nor should we have to base our reformation on the directions of others. The army supports the profound transformation of society, democratic and political reform in all walks of life, but within realistic boundaries imposed bу Yugoslav conditions.

On the basis of such an approach to reform, the УРА has also adopted а firm stance on the issue of the new constitution. Based on historical experience and the fact that Yugoslavia, from its creation in 1918, has experienced three different organisational models: the unitary--during the former Кingdom of Yugoslavia; the federal--during socialist Yugoslavia; and the 'nondefined', shaky federation which, since 1974 has practically been а confederation. The unitary model brought the beginning of the disintegra­tion of Yugoslavia even before the attack of the Fascist armies in 1941. However, during the 30-year­ long period of Socialist Yugoslavia, the country has reached its peak in all fields of internal development, as well as in the intemational community. The epilogue of the effects of the confederal Constitution of 1974 is more than obvious.

We are convinced that federal organisation of the country is the only realistic solution, offering а future to all our people and providing conditions for full emancipation and sovereignty in areas that will bе agreed upon. Relations between the whole country and its component parts will thus bе clearly determined. I therefore believe that an agreement will eventually bе reached about the federal organisation of the country. There is no other real alternative but the fatal one, which we should certainly avoid.
Filipenko

Posts : 15440
Join date : 2014-12-01

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Filipenko on Fri Aug 18, 2017 2:58 pm

Čitam nešto negde, pa nađoh podatak da je zapravo većina građana na nekom referendumu o državnim simbolima 1992. godine bila za to da zastava Srbije ima petokraku, tj. da ostane zastava SR Srbije, ali da je to ignorisano. Je li to tačno?


jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 GejN6J9
Kinder Lad

Posts : 7403
Join date : 2015-11-26
Location : Location, Location

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Kinder Lad on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:11 pm

samo relativnu većinu, dakle ne "većinu građana"


_____
alt-lib
Filipenko

Posts : 15440
Join date : 2014-12-01

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Filipenko on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:25 pm

"Samo".

Dakle, ladno se to izignorisalo i udarilo po četništvu. Pa logično. Četničkoj govnadiji treba pozabranjivati sve simbole, kao i sve tzv. simbole tzv. Srbije koji su trenutno propisani tzv. ustavom. Zapravo, treba zavesti zakon da su to zločinački simboli uništenja države i naroda i da se ne smeju nikad više upotrebljavati u bilo kakve svrhe.

Naravno da će posle 15-20 godina ispiranja mozga "većina" naroda biti "za tradicionalne simbole" i građanoseljaštinu koja mu se potura pod nos svakodnevno.
Mr.Pink

Posts : 4931
Join date : 2014-10-28
Age : 39

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Mr.Pink on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:29 pm

većina je glasala i za slobu. to je šizofrenija devedesetih.


_____
СВЕ СУДИЈЕ ХАШКОГА СУДА 
МОГУ ДА НАМ ЛИЖУ МУДА!

srce ruka lopata
Gargantua

Posts : 11316
Join date : 2015-11-22

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Gargantua on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:51 pm

http://www.rik.parlament.gov.rs/doc/arhiva/referendumi/1.%20izvestaj%201992%20II%20referendum%20drzavni%20simboli.pd
https://sr.wikipedia.org/sr/Референдум_о_симболима_Републике_Србије_1992.

грб

Избор Највише гласова %
1. Штит са четири оцила 1,586,384 43,25%
2. Двоглави орао са штитом и четири оцила 1,464,011 39,91%
Укупно гласова 3,668,134 100,00%
Неважећи листићи 617,739 16,84%
Регистрованих/Излазност 6,930,928 52,92%
Извор: РИК

Застава

Избор Највише гласова
1. Застава са звездом петокраком ДА
2. Застава без звезде петокраке

Химна

Избор Највише гласова %
1. Марш на Дрину 1,730,070 46,72%
2. Боже Правде 1,490,484 40,25%
Укупно гласова 3,702,796 100,00%
Неважећи листићи 482,242 13,02%
Регистрованих/Излазност



Републичка изборна комисија је на основу материјала изборних органа утврдила: 
1. да је изјашњавање обављено у 189 општина у Републици Србији; у једној општини изјашњавање грађана није обављено; 
2. да у Републици Србији има 6.930.928 грађана који има- ју право изјашњавања на референдуму; 
3. да је у изјашњавању учествовало 3.756.162 грађана који имају право изјашњавања на референдуму;
4. да је изјашњавање обављено тајним гласањем, гласачким листићима; 
5. да су резултати изјашњавања о изгледу и садржини грба Републике Србије следећи: 
- за изглед и садржину грба Републике Србије под бројем 1 изјаснило се 1.586.384 грађана; 
- за изглед и садржину грба Републике Србије под бројем 2 изјаснило се 1.464.011 грађана; 
- неважећих листића било је 617.739; 
6. да су резултати изјашњавања о предлогу химне Репу- блике Србије следећи: 
- за химну под бројем 1 изјаснило се 1.730.070 грађана, 
- за химну под бројем 2 изјаснило се 1.490.484 грађана, 
- неважећих листића било је 482.242; 
7. полазећи од утврђених чињеница, Републичка изборна комисија је, сагласно члану 17. Закона о референдуму, конста- товала: 
- да се за изглед и садржину грба под бројем 1 изјаснила « већина 1.586.383 или 43,03% грађана који су се изјашњавали на референдуму, 
- да се за химну под бројем 1 изјаснила већина 1.730.070 или 46,67% грађана који су се изјашњавали на референдуму.


Last edited by Gargantua on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:53 pm; edited 1 time in total
Gargantua

Posts : 11316
Join date : 2015-11-22

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Gargantua on Fri Aug 18, 2017 3:52 pm

izglasalo se:

- grb sa ocilima ali bez dvoglavog orla
- zastava sa petokrakom
- marš na drinu


ništa od toga nemamo danas
No Country

Posts : 6691
Join date : 2015-05-16

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by No Country on Fri Aug 18, 2017 6:13 pm

Mr.Pink wrote:većina je glasala i za slobu. to je šizofrenija devedesetih.
Јесте болест, али није шизофренија. Огромна већина тих који су (около 1992-ге) гласали нису видели разлику између Слобе и петокраке. Такође ми није најјасније што се Филип буни, његов је комунизам итекако националистички?
avatar
Guest

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Guest on Fri Aug 18, 2017 9:02 pm

po automatizmu su glasali za milosevica i svi oni "nemoj protiv vlasti, ne talasaj" nauceni u prethodnom sistemu, samo za pobednike.
ficfiric

Posts : 14296
Join date : 2012-02-10
Age : 167

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by ficfiric on Fri Aug 18, 2017 9:21 pm

http://www.rik.parlament.gov.rs/arhiva-referendumi-19922.php


Nigde ne vidim rezultate za zastavu.


Inace, tog dana su bili i izbori za vece gradjana SRJ koje je opozicija bojkotovala. Na izbore su izasli SPS, SRS i sateliti + DZVM


_____

Uprava napolje!
ficfiric

Posts : 14296
Join date : 2012-02-10
Age : 167

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by ficfiric on Fri Aug 18, 2017 9:56 pm

Razgledam kandidate na ranijim izborima


1993.

САВЕЗ КОМУНИСТА - ПОКРЕТ ЗА ЈУГОСЛАВИЈУ, САВЕЗ РАДНИКА СРБИЈЕ, НАРОДНИ ФРОНТ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ И ОМЛАДИНСКИ САВЕЗ - ПОКРЕТ ЗА ЈУГОСЛАВИЈУ - УДРУЖЕНА ЛЕВИЦА чији је носилац проф. др ДРАГОМИР ДРАШКОВИЋ

5. ЏЕВАТ ПРЕКАЗИ, 1957, фудбалер, Београд,


_____

Uprava napolje!
Filipenko

Posts : 15440
Join date : 2014-12-01

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Filipenko on Sat Aug 19, 2017 2:23 am

diktotar wrote:po automatizmu su glasali za milosevica i svi oni "nemoj protiv vlasti, ne talasaj" nauceni u prethodnom sistemu, samo za pobednike.


Po automatizmu se glasalo i protiv Miloševića za Draškovića i njemu slične.
♏

Posts : 2642
Join date : 2016-06-09
Location : Pen-y-Pound

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by ♏ on Sat Aug 19, 2017 10:19 am

https://mudroljub.github.io/spomenici/
Filipenko

Posts : 15440
Join date : 2014-12-01

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Filipenko on Sat Aug 19, 2017 11:01 am

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 3137070404
Quincy Endicott

Posts : 7997
Join date : 2012-02-10

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Quincy Endicott on Sun Aug 20, 2017 1:42 am

Gargantua wrote:izglasalo se:

- grb sa ocilima ali bez dvoglavog orla
- zastava sa petokrakom
- marš na drinu


ništa od toga nemamo danas

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 3137070404

jebenti lud narod 100 gradi


_____
I refuse to feel guilty. Guilt is a destructive emotion and doesn't fit in with my Life Plan.
Kinder Lad

Posts : 7403
Join date : 2015-11-26
Location : Location, Location

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Kinder Lad on Sun Aug 20, 2017 1:54 am

Pa nije lud nego zaludjen. Bolesnim miksom teskog nacionalizma i socijalne demagogije. To se namerno radilo i radi i dalje. Srbija od 1990najkasnije a i od malo pre toga je 1 socijalni eksperiment ciji je jedini cilj zadrzavanje tada formiranih a tokom celog perioda perpetuiranih odnosa ekonomske moci.


_____
alt-lib
Filipenko

Posts : 15440
Join date : 2014-12-01

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Filipenko on Sun Aug 20, 2017 2:08 am

Jašta, jer da nije socijalne demagogije, sa naglaskom na socijalne, sve bi bilo bolje jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 2952840586


Inače, meni je grb SR Srbije vrh. Sve je tu, pšenica bjelica za seljake, (vodenični) točak za radnike, reka, zraci Sunca preko plavog neba (Perun i Svarog), hrastov list (neki će reći badnjak za Hrista, ali istorijski badnjak za Peruna), četiri ocila za "Srbija sama slobodna slavna" ali bez ukrštenih daski pustinjske sekte, godine ustanaka kojima je obnavljana državnost od Turaka i Keljmendi-Karađorđevića ukinute Srbije. Čak bih pristao da se skloni petokraka, ako već toliko mnogima bode oči (naravno, samo dok ne bih učvrstio apsolutnu vlast, a onda - zna se). Fenomenalan grb, svaka Kunu dala kako ga je napravio!


jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 199px-SR_Serbia_coa

jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga - Page 2 Empty Re: jugoslavija - od nemila do nedraga

Post by Sponsored content


    Current date/time is Sun Apr 21, 2019 2:08 am