UK - Politika i društvo

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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Sat Sep 30, 2017 6:12 pm

Navodno Manchester danas.



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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by William Murderface on Sat Sep 30, 2017 6:14 pm

Državni udar!


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Sat Sep 30, 2017 6:15 pm

ne ali nije produktivno


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Djamolidine Abdoujaparov on Sat Sep 30, 2017 9:17 pm

Boris Johnson caught on camera reciting Kipling in Myanmar temple | Politics | The Guardian

Robert Booth Friday 29 September 2017 19.00 EDT
The foreign secretary has been accused of “incredible insensitivity” after it emerged he recited part of a colonial-era Rudyard Kipling poem in front of local dignitaries while on an official visit to Myanmar in January.

Boris Johnson was inside the Shwedagon Pagoda, the most sacred Buddhist site in the capital Yangon, when he started uttering the opening verse to The Road to Mandalay, including the line: “The temple bells they say/ Come you back you English soldier.”

Kipling’s poem captures the nostalgia of a retired serviceman looking back on his colonial service and a Burmese girl he kissed. Britain colonised Myanmar from 1824 to 1948 and fought three wars in the 19th century, suppressing widespread resistance.

Johnson’s impromptu recital was so embarrassing that the UK ambassador to Myanmar, Andrew Patrick, was forced to stop him. The incident was captured by a film crew for Channel 4 and will form part of a documentary to be broadcast on Sunday about the fitness of the MP for Uxbridge and South Ruislip to become prime minister.

The previously unbroadcast footage shows the diplomat managing to halt Johnson before he could get to the line about a “Bloomin’ idol made o’ mud/ Wot they called the Great Gawd Budd” – a reference to the Buddha.
brate...
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by William Murderface on Sat Sep 30, 2017 9:22 pm

White-haired man's burden...


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by beatakeshi on Sat Sep 30, 2017 10:14 pm

Planeta majmuna.
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by паће on Sun Oct 01, 2017 12:21 am

"I loved my Kippling. I kippled whenever I could" - рече један пиздиот на мрежи... а после сам додао остало.


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by William Murderface on Sun Oct 01, 2017 12:26 am

паће wrote:"I loved my Kippling. I kippled whenever I could" - рече један пиздиот на мрежи... а после сам додао остало.



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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Blind Lime Pie on Sun Oct 01, 2017 10:08 am



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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by William Murderface on Sun Oct 01, 2017 12:35 pm



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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Mon Oct 02, 2017 6:40 pm

U sridu

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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by otto katz on Thu Oct 05, 2017 2:34 pm

Našao sam tko je onaj red tory!


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Thu Oct 05, 2017 2:46 pm

kakav grozan aksesoar


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Thu Oct 05, 2017 3:58 pm

kakav je to bio kvalitetan raspad, prvo porukica o otkazu, pa kašljanje pa otpadanje slova :lol:
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Sat Oct 07, 2017 12:40 am

FT

Germany and France have dashed British hopes of fast-tracking talks on a two-year post-Brexit transition deal, insisting that the UK’s EU divorce bill be resolved first.

British officials had hoped that EU leaders would jump-start negotiations at a high-profile Brussels summit in two weeks by approving the opening of talks on a transition period after Britain’s exit in 2019, which Theresa May proposed in her Florence address last month.

But according to European diplomats, a Germany-led group of EU countries has demanded more clarity on the long-term financial commitments Britain will honour. The UK insists it will only do this once the shape of its future relationship with the EU is clear, including a transition period.

Berlin’s tough stance will be of particular concern to London, coming just a week after Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, met Mrs May to discuss Brexit and her Florence speech, which offered to use transition payments to cover an EU budget shortfall of at least €20bn.

The setback comes amid further signs that post-Florence hopes of smoother Brexit sailing are beginning to fade.
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Sat Oct 07, 2017 8:00 pm

opet zakucavanje u pešake u Londri


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Kinder Lad on Sat Oct 07, 2017 8:07 pm

kazu nije terorizam


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Zuper on Tue Oct 10, 2017 2:54 pm

U.K. Is Said to Study Joining Nafta If No EU Deal: Telegraph


Doduse, nafta se raspada...
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Kinder Lad on Tue Oct 10, 2017 2:56 pm

North Atlantic Free Trade Association


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by паће on Tue Oct 10, 2017 3:00 pm

Kinder Lad wrote:North Atlantic Free Trade Association

Од чега је отприлике оно прво А најтачније...


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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Thu Oct 12, 2017 8:19 am

U londonskoj tubi

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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Thu Oct 12, 2017 9:16 am

UK pleads for Brexit transition period, EU unlikely to be moved


By Eszter Zalan
BRUSSELS, 11. Oct, 17:23


UK finance minister Philip Hammond urged the EU on Wednesday (11 October) to swiftly start discussions on a Brexit transition period, just as EU leaders are getting ready to confirm that not enough progress has been made in talks to move onto the next phase of negotiations.
"It is self-evident to me that a transitional arrangement is a wasting asset. It has a value today. It will still have a very high value at Christmas, early in the new year. But as we move through 2018 its value to everybody will diminish significantly," Hammond told the Treasury Committee of the UK parliament in Westminster.
The UK was hoping that talks advance enough so that "sufficient progress" is reached on key issues by next week's EU summit. Talks can then begin on trade and future relations.
"October was pretty optimistic to start with, we have not arrived to this intermediate stage yet," said one EU official on condition of anonymity.
Last month, UK prime minister Theresa May proposed "around" a two-year transition period after the UK leaves the EU in March 2019.
That requires a change in the negotiating mandate of the EU's Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier, which could be done by EU leaders.
However, it is unlikely that this will happen.

"I would be surprised if there is enough ground for us to change the mandate," the official added.
Barnier will update EU ambassadors on Friday, and EU affairs ministers on Tuesday.
The EU official said Barnier will brief the member states on the state of play of the talks, but added that he will not propose a change to his mandate.
The official did not want to speculate on whether Barnier would urge member states to give encouraging signs to the UK on the prospect of a transition period.

Hammond urged the the EU to change the sequencing on the negotiations.
EU negotiators say the timeline for the talks is based on the Article 50 of the EU treaty, dealing with exits from the bloc, but sequencing has always been a thorn in the UK's side.
"The proposal that we have put to the EU calls for a rapid response, and it means breaking out of the structure of the negotiation that has been imposed by the European Commission," Hammond said on Wednesday.
He also said talks on the future relationship should start as soon as possible.
"Astonishingly, the most important question, which is what is our long-term relationship with the European Union going to look like, has not yet even begun to be discussed ... We have made the running in this and we really need our European Union partners to engage. It's quite a small ask really," he told MPs.
"Let's sit down around a table and have a chat. That's all we are saying," he added.

Next week, EU leaders will discuss the progress in Brexit talks, but will not give the green light for trade talks.
That might happen at December's EU summit, but European Council chief Donald Tusk warned on Tuesday that the EU and the UK will have to discuss where talks are headed - if sufficient progress has still not been reached on key issues by the December.
Tusk added, however, that the EU is not preparing for a scenario where the UK leaves without a deal - crashing out of the bloc in 2019.
Hammond on Wednesday confirmed that the UK is preparing for such a no-deal scenario, but said he would not commit funds to prepare for now.
"I am clear that we have to be prepared for a no-deal scenario unless and until we have clear evidence that that is not where we will end up. What I am not proposing to do is to allocate funds to departments in advance of the need to spend," he said.

The fifth round of talks ends on Thursday among EU and UK negotiators. No breakthrough is expected.
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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Hubert de Montmirail on Fri Oct 13, 2017 5:29 pm



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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Gargantua on Sat Oct 14, 2017 3:13 pm

hejter 

 


How I learnt to loathe England
A Dutchman reflects on what he’s learnt by living in Britain for the last six years—it isn’t pretty

by Joris Luyendijk / October 6, 2017
Published in November 2017 issue of Prospect Magazine


When I came to live in London with my family in 2011 I did not have to think of a work or residency permit. My children quickly found an excellent state primary school, and after a handful of calls we enjoyed free healthcare, and the right to vote in local elections. The only real bureaucratic hassle we encountered that warm summer concerned a permit to park. It all seemed so smooth compared to earlier moves to the United States, Egypt, Lebanon and Israel/Palestine. Then again, this time we were moving in with our cousins—weren’t we?

We had arrived as fellow Europeans, but when we left this summer to return to the Netherlands we felt more like foreigners: people tolerated as long as they behave. At best we were “European Union nationals” whose rights would be subject to negotiations—bargaining chips in the eyes of politicians. As we sailed from Harwich, it occurred to me that our departure would be counted by Theresa May as five more strikes towards her goal of “bringing down net immigration to the tens of thousands.”

The Dutch and the British have a lot in common, at first sight. Sea-faring nations with a long and guilty history of colonial occupation and slavery, they are pro free-trade and have large financial service industries—RBS may even move its headquarters to Amsterdam. Both tend to view American power as benign; the Netherlands joined the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq. Shell, Unilever and Elsevier are just three examples of remarkably successful Anglo-Dutch joint ventures. I say “remarkably” because I’ve learned that in important respects, there is no culture more alien to the Dutch than the English (I focus on England as I’ve no experience with Wales, Scotland or Northern Ireland). Echoing the Calvinist insistence on “being true to oneself,” the Dutch are almost compulsively truthful. Most consider politeness a cowardly form of hypocrisy. Bluntness is a virtue; insincerity and backhandedness are cardinal sins.

So let me try to be as Dutch as I can, and say that I left the UK feeling disappointed, hurt and immensely worried. We did not leave because of Brexit. My wife and I are both Dutch and we want our children to grow roots in the country where we came of age. We loved our time in London and have all met people who we hope will become our friends for life. But by the time the referendum came, I had become very much in favour of the UK leaving the EU. The worrying conditions that gave rise to the result—the class divide and the class fixation, as well as an unhinged press, combine to produce a national psychology that makes Britain a country you simply don’t want in your club.

I am terribly sorry for my pro-EU middle-class friends in England, and even more sorry for the poor who had no idea that by supporting Brexit they were voting to become poorer. But this is England’s problem, not the EU’s: the nation urgently needs some time alone to sort itself out. So when those first “Leave” votes came in, I found myself making fist pumps at the television.

On the morning of 24th June 2016 the middle-class parents at my children’s school were huddling together in shock over the result. One or two were crying quietly when a working-class mother I knew walked up to a well-to-do mother who had been canvassing for Remain. “OUT! OUT! OUT!”, she shouted as she wagged her index finger. Then she walked off in triumph, back to her working-class friends at the other end of the playground.

Over the years, I had learned she was a warm person, yet on that day something stronger burst out. She had used the referendum to try to smash that expensive middle-class toy called the EU and it had worked. At last, for the first time in decades, those who felt like life’s losers openly defied the winners, and carried an election. Now her country would have £350m a week to spend on the number one worry for people like her: the NHS.

I’ve seen a good deal in England which suggested that, just maybe, not all was well with the collective psyche—the in-your-face binge drinking, the bookies stoking gambling addiction on every high street, the abject but routine neglect of public housing which went undiscussed until the Grenfell Tower fire.

But that scene on the morning after the referendum encapsulates my disappointment with the country. Not only the division, but also the way it had been inflamed. Why would you allow a handful of billionaires to poison your national conversation with disinformation—either directly through the tabloids they own, or indirectly, by using those newspapers to intimidate the public broadcaster? Why would you allow them to use their papers to build up and co-opt politicians peddling those lies? Why would you let them get away with this stuff about “foreign judges” and the need to “take back control” when Britain’s own public opinion is routinely manipulated by five or six unaccountable rich white men, themselves either foreigners or foreign-domiciled?

Before coming to Britain I had always thought that the tabloids were like a misanthropic counterpoint to Monty Python. Like many Europeans, I saw these newspapers as a kind of English folklore, laying it on thick in the way that theatrical British politicians conduct their debates in the House of Commons. Newspapers in the Netherlands would carry on their opinion pages articles by commentators such as Oxford scholar Timothy Garton Ash—giving the impression that such voices represented the mainstream in Britain. Watching QI before coming to the UK, I remember seeing Stephen Fry banter with Jeremy Clarkson and imagining the former was the rule, and the latter the exception. Living in London taught me that it is the other way around. George Orwell is still correct: England is a family with the wrong members in charge.

This has been a bitter pill to swallow for this Smiths fan who grew up in the 1980s on a cultural diet of Tolkien, Le Carré, The Young Ones, Spitting Image and The Singing Detective—these books being available in every library, and the programmes carried by our national broadcaster. I never knew much about French culture and politics, so if I had discovered that these are vile it would have meant travelling a far smaller mental distance. But the English? They were our liberators, a term still used more than 70 years after my mother saw the “Tommies” enter her home town of Eindhoven.

Until the tabloids are reformed and freed from editorial interference by their plutocratic owners, the rageful misunderstanding that I saw in the school playground will not go away. Tabloid readers will sometimes see through the bias on particular issues and against particular people, as many did when they voted for the demonised Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn in June. But when it comes to Europe and the world beyond, the campaign of chauvinism has been so unremitting, over so many decades, that it is much harder to resist. And as things stand, the journalists at those publications could never come out and admit that they have misjudged Brexit—that would mean not only losing face, but very likely losing their job. Indeed, where is the investigative reporting about the exact quid pro quo when Rupert Murdoch or Daily Mail editor Paul Dacre come out in support of, say, Theresa May? Most British journalists, with a few noble exceptions, are too terrified of the press barons to pursue such questions.

That scene at my children’s school last year showed up another side of English society: entrenched inequality. In the Netherlands, schools are not ranked, and nor are universities. Sought after secondary schools and universities use a lottery to decide who is admitted—the opposite of the generally hyper-competitive and market-based English model. (There have been experiments with school lotteries in England, but these have run into outrage because of the perception that giving every child an equal chance is—in some unspecified way—profoundly unfair.)

You could, if you’ve been as frustrated by the Dutch educational system as I was, characterise it as institutionalised mediocrity. But the good thing about it is that it really doesn’t matter for your identity or your prospects exactly which school or university you went to—not in the way it does in England. Dutch people are unfamiliar with that English ritual where two highly educated people try to work out which one has the edge: state school or private? Oxford, Cambridge, or some other place? If Oxbridge, what college?

I have seen plenty of English middle-class parents jump through crazy hoops to get their children into the “right” school. I have seen friendships ripped apart when one couple sends their daughter to a private school and the others do not. I was not surprised to read that Jeremy Corbyn’s second marriage collapsed over the question of whether to send his son to a selective school.

It is quite ironic that a nation that gave the world the term “fair play” sees the fact that rich children receive a better education than poor ones as a perfectly natural thing. I remember asking around at the Guardian, where I had been hired to investigate the City of London, why this progressive newspaper did not put the school system centre stage. This is how the elites clone themselves, is it not? The answer: most of our management and prominent writers went to private school themselves and most are sending their children there, too, so that would invite the charge of hypocrisy. I struggle to blame those former Guardian colleagues knowing that two thirds of all top jobs in England today go to the 7 per cent of children who have attended private schools. Are you really going to sacrifice your child’s prospects to make an individual stand which will change nothing?

Nor do I blame working-class people for seething at a system where by the time you are 11 the die is cast, and where—to add insult to injury—you are constantly told that this is a meritocracy where all that counts is hard work and being “aspirational” (a word that does not even exist in Dutch). And one in which you hear everyone talk about “public schools.” That is like calling a taxi a form of “public transport” or indeed, naming dilapidated zones of social housing “estates.” (Seriously, middle-class Englanders, how will you ever straighten yourselves out if you can’t even say what you mean, and mean what you say?)

If I were English and working class, the loaded dice and the accompanying cant would make me very bitter—a bitterness that was cleverly harvested by the “Leave” camp. Yes, there were factors beside class that bore on the vote: voters in London and Scotland broke for “Remain,” and pensioners broke for “Leave.” But class was central: the connection between voting “Leave” and having finished education early was just as strong as the endlessly-discussed age dimension. And the same bitterness will, surely, be harnessed again until the root cause is addressed.

There is another, final, side to this class system à l’Anglaise. It seems to breed a perspective on the world that is zero-sum. Your class system is a form of ranking. For one to go up, another must go down. Perhaps this is why sports are such an obsession. There, too, only one can win. It was striking for this Dutchman to see an innocuous school dance be concluded with the designation of a winner. The result: all the other eight-year-olds went home slightly or clearly annoyed for not having won. Why not just let them dance? There seems to be in English culture—with its adversarial courtrooms, and its parliamentary front benches two swords’ length apart—an almost reflexive need to compete, to conclude a process by declaring a winner. The expectation that English children will learn to put a brave face on the hurt of losing doubtless deepens the scars.

The English consequently struggle to understand the “one plus one is three” concept of co-operation so fundamental to the EU. The word “compromise” has an almost negative ring in English popular culture; the idea gets dismissed as “fudge,” rather than a worthwhile outcome that can help everyone save face.

Could there be a causal relation between English hostility to the EU and this wider adversarial culture? Does it make English soil especially fertile for those press barons to plant their seeds of slander? I began to wonder about when this hostility began to hurt. I was surprised by this feeling since, until then, I had never given much the European side of my identity much thought. I have often heard Muslim friends say that it was only the attacks of 9/11 that had made them Muslim. Suddenly everybody regarded them as Muslims and so over time, they began to feel as such. Something similar happened to me when the EU referendum campaign started.

I began to realise that there are powerful people in England who actively want the EU destroyed. They are full of aggressive contempt for everything the Union stands for. Even David Cameron could not bring himself to go to Oslo with other EU leaders to receive the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize. Given the deep competitiveness of the English, it may be that they need the EU to feel superior; we may have lost the empire and be less than 1 per cent of the world’s population but… at least we’re not “Yurup.”

This attitude then justifies the enduring ignorance about the EU, its member states and European culture generally. “We don’t even know who they are,” shrieked Brexiter Andrea Leadsom during a televised debate about the EU’s so-called five presidents. You could tell she thought this was a really good argument to use: we don’t know who they are, so that must be their fault.

The superiority complex feeds a sense of entitlement, which Cameron played to by demanding “concessions.” The word says it all. Apparently membership is a favour of the English people to the EU and in exchange there must be rebates, opt-outs and special status. Every “Remain” as well as “Leave” supporter that I have spoken to automatically assumed I would be against Brexit.

Consider that Brexiteer line—the EU “needs us more than vice versa.” It’s abject nonsense, as was the presumption that after the Brits voted to leave, other EU countries would follow.

In October last year Peter Foster, who is the Europe Editor and an increasingly-rare measured voice on the Daily Telegraph, wrote an article calling on Theresa May to “accept publicly that the European side has as much right to guard their interests as the UK does.” He then continued that, “It might also be worth acknowledging, that, on balance, the EU27 also has more power to protect its interests in these negotiations than Britain does.”

Just imagine the French centre-right newspaper Le Figaro or its German equivalent Die Welt publishing an opinion piece pleading with its readers to understand that “the British people have national interests, too.” The thought would never occur. That is the difference between England on the one hand and serious European countries on the other.

This, then, was how, for the first time in my life, I began to feel European. Though no pro-EU federalist, I was suddenly being defensive over something I had never actively supported. In fact, I think there are good reasons for the Netherlands to leave the EU, just as there are good reasons to stay. The EU is a dilemma full of trade-offs. But what I do think is that if the EU is to become truly democratic it needs to conduct an honest and open debate about what it wants to be, and then build the structures to go with it. An existential debate of that kind followed by either dismantling or reinvention requires good faith. This is almost entirely missing from the English side where “Remain,” too, campaigned on the promise that the UK could veto any further integration. Hence my support for Brexit.

Ever since the referendum, friends from across the world have been enquiring whether it is true that the British have gone mad. Without those six years in London, I would have unhesitatingly said “yes.” “A temporary bout of insanity” still seems the preferred explanation in much of Europe and among many British Remainers. But years of immersion in English culture and society have convinced me that actually, the Brexit vote should instead be seen as the logical and overdue outcome of a set of English pathologies.

Which brings me to my real anxiety. It is extremely difficult to see a scenario in which this whole Brexit saga could end well.

The Tories are seared by Europe, as they have been for a generation, only now with more intensity; Labour looks incapable of overcoming its own divisions on the question. Neither party dares to speak the truth to millions of people who have voted for a “have your cake and eat it” option that was never on the menu. How to carry out the will of the majority when the majority voted for something that does not exist?

Legally, politically and logically the EU cannot give the UK the kind of deal that would draw this chapter to a happy close. Britain will pay a horrible price for a hard Brexit. The alternative should be a sweet soft deal, except that this will then encourage every EU member state to demand their own special arrangement, and that would be the end of the EU. The fact that even Remainers keep exhorting the EU “not to punish us” demonstrates just how incapable the English are of reckoning with anyone else’s point of view.

The one real alternative is that Britain reverses course, gets on its knees, and begs to be let back in. This could be the most dangerous outcome of all. While the imagination of many “Leave” voters remain in the grip of the tabloids, any concession to the reality of national interests risks inflaming rage and cries of betrayal. As for the EU, it is first and foremost a rule-based organisation. If the rules around Article 50 were bent to allow Britain back in on special terms, then the whole edifice is undermined. Scotland should be let in if it wants, and Northern Ireland too. But England is out and must be kept out—at least until it has resolved its deep internal problems. Call it nation building.

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Re: UK - Politika i društvo

Post by Zuper on Sat Oct 14, 2017 4:04 pm

Izgleda da doticni nije mnogo izucavao UK pre dolaska. Visoka kompetitivnosti i stalezi su tradicija UK vekovima i jedan od razloga zasto su bili tako mocni, pre svega mislim na kompetitivnosti. Deo je prenesen u kolonije. U SAD je isto visoka kompetitvnosti deo kulutre nasledjene od Britanaca...to je deo problema oko zadravstva u SAD..To ima svoje dobre i lose strane.
Uzgred,
That is the difference between England on the one hand and serious European countries on the other.



Ali se slazem da je trenutno vracanje UK u EU veci problem od izlaska. Ne samo za unutrasnje odnose u UK veci i za EU.

Re: UK - Politika i društvo

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